State of the Union Addresses of Warren Harding
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Warren Harding >> State of the Union Addresses of Warren Harding
The substitution of a labor division in the Interstate Commerce Commission
made up from its membership, to hear and decide disputes relating to wages
and working conditions which have failed of adjustment by proper committees
created by the railways and their employees, offers a more effective plan.
It need not be surprising that there is dissatisfaction over delayed
hearings and decisions by the present board when every trivial dispute is
carried to that tribunal. The law should require the railroads and their
employees to institute means and methods to negotiate between themselves
their constantly arising differences, limiting appeals to the Government
tribunal to disputes of such character as are likely to affect the public
welfare.
This suggested substitution will involve a necessary increase in the
membership of the commission, probably four, to constitute the labor
division. If the suggestion appeals to the Congress, it will be well to
specify that the labor division shall be constituted of representatives of
the four rate-making territories, thereby assuring a tribunal conversant
with the conditions which obtain in the different ratemaking sections of
the country.
I wish I could bring to you the precise recommendation for the prevention
of strikes which threaten the welfare of the people and menace public
safety. It is an impotent civilization and an inadequate government which
lacks the genius and the courage to guard against such a menace to public
welfare as we experienced last summer. You were aware of the Government's
great concern and its futile attempt to aid in an adjustment. It will
reveal the inexcusable obstinacy which was responsible for so much distress
to the country to recall now that, though all disputes are not yet
adjusted, the many settlements which have been made were on the terms which
the Government proposed in mediation.
Public interest demands that ample power shall be conferred upon the. labor
tribunal, whether it is the present board or the suggested substitute, to
require its rulings to be accepted by both parties to a disputed question.
Let there be no confusion about the purpose of the suggested conferment of
power to make decisions effective. There can be no denial of constitutional
rights of either railway workmen or railway managers. No man can be denied
his right to labor when and how he chooses, or cease to labor when he so
elects, but, since the Government assumes to safeguard his interests while
employed in an essential public service, the security of society -itself
demands his retirement from the service shall not be so timed and related
as to effect the destruction of that service. This vitally essential public
transportation service, demanding so much of brain and brawn, so much for
efficiency and security, ought to offer the most attractive working
conditions and the highest of wages paid to workmen in any employment.
In essentially every branch, from track repairer to the man at the
locomotive throttle, the railroad worker is responsible for the safety of
human lives and the care of vast property. His high responsibility might
well rate high his pay within the limits the traffic will bear; but the
same responsibility, plus grovernmental protection, may justly deny him and
his associates a withdrawal from service without a warning or under
circumstances which involve the paralysis of necessary transportation. We
have assumed so great a responsibility in necessary regulation that we
unconsciously have assumed the responsibility for maintained service;
therefore the lawful power for the enforcement. of decisions is necessary
to sustain the majesty of government and to administer to the public
welfare.
During its longer session the present Congress enacted a new tariff law.
The protection of the American standards of living demanded the insurance
it provides against the distorted conditions of world commerce The framers
of the law made provision for a certain flexibility of customs duties,
whereby it is possible to readjust them as developing conditions may
require. The enactment has imposed a large responsibility upon the
Executive, but that responsibility will be discharged with a broad
mindfulness of the whole business situation. The provision itself admits
either the possible fallibility of rates or their unsuitableness to
changing conditions. I believe the grant of authority may be promptly and
discreetly exercised, ever mindful of the intent and purpose to safeguard
American industrial activity, and at the same time prevent the exploitation
of the American consumer and keep open the paths of such liberal exchanges
as do not endanger our own productivity.
No one contemplates commercial aloofness nor any other aloofness
contradictory to the best American traditions or loftiest human purposes.
Our fortunate capacity for comparative self-containment affords the firm
foundation on which to build for our own security, and a like foundation on
which to build for a future of influence and importance in world commerce.
Our trade expansion must come of capacity and of policies of righteousness
and reasonableness in till our commercial relations.
Let no one assume that our provision for maintained good fortune at home,
and our unwillingness to assume the correction of all the ills of the
world, means a reluctance to cooperate with other peoples or to assume
every just obligation to promote human advancement anywhere in the world.
War made its a creditor Nation. We did not seek an excess possession of the
world's gold, and we have neither desire to profit Unduly by its possession
nor permanently retain it. We do not seek to become an international
dictator because of its power.
The voice of the United States has a respectful hearing in international
councils, because we have convinced the world that we have no selfish ends
to serve, no old grievances to avenge, no territorial or other greed to
satisfy. But the voice being beard is that of good counsel. not of
dictation. It is the voice of sympathy and fraternity and helpfulness,
seeking to assist but not assume for the United States burdens which
nations must bear for themselves. We would rejoice to help rehabilitate
currency systems and facilitate all commerce which does not drag us to the
very levels of those we seek to lift up.
While I have everlasting faith in our Republic, it would be folly, indeed,
to blind ourselves to our problems at home. Abusing the hospitality of our
shores are the advocates of revolution, finding their deluded followers
among those who take on the habiliments of an American without knowing an
American soul. There is the recrudescence of hyphenated Americanism which
we thought to have been stamped out when we committed the Nation, life and
soul, to the World War.
There is a call to make the alien respect our institutions while lie
accepts our hospitality. There is need to magnify the American viewpoint to
the alien who seeks a citizenship among us. There is need to magnify the
national viewpoint to Americans throughout the land. More there is a demand
for every living being in the United States to respect and abide by the
laws of the Republic. Let men who are rending the moral fiber of the
Republic through easy contempt for the prohibition law, because they think
it restricts their personal liberty, remember that they set the example and
breed a contempt for law which will ultimately destroy the Republic.
Constitutional prohibition has been adopted by the Nation. It is the
supreme law of the land. In plain speaking, there are conditions relating
to its enforcement which savor of nation-wide scandal. It is the most
demoralizing factor in our public life.
Most of our people assumed that the adoption of the eighteenth amendment
meant the elimination of the question from our politics. On the contrary,
it has been so intensified as an issue that many voters are disposed to
make all political decisions with reference to this single question. It is
distracting the public mind and prejudicing the judgment of the
electorate.
The day is unlikely to come when the eighteenth amendment will be repealed.
The fact may as well be recognized and our course adapted accordingly. If
the statutory provisions for its enforcement are contrary to deliberate
public opinion, which I do not believe the rigorous and literal enforcement
will concentrate public attention on any requisite modification. Such a
course, conforms with the law and saves the humiliation of the Government
and the humiliation of our people before the world, and challenges the
destructive forces engaged in widespread violation, official corruption and
individual demoralization.
The eighteenth amendment involves the concurrent authority of State and
Federal Governments., for the enforcement of the policy it defines. A
certain lack of definiteness, through division of responsibility is thus
introduced. In order to bring about a full understanding of duties and
responsibilities as thus distributed, I purpose to invite the governors of
tile States and Territories, at an early opPortunity, to a conference with
the Federal Executive authority. Out of the full and free considerations
which will thus be possible, it is confidently believed, will emerge a more
adequate, comprehension of tile whole problem, and definite policies of
National and State cooperation in administering the laws.
There are pending bills for the registration of the alien who has come to
our shores. I wish the passage of such an act might be expedited. Life amid
American opportunities is worth the cost of registration if it is worth the
seeking, and the Nation has the right to know who are citizens in the
making or who live among us anti share our advantages while seeking to
undermine our cherislied institutions. This provision will enable us to
guard against the abuses in immigration, checking the undesirable whose
irregular Willing is his first violation of our laws. More, it will
facilitate the needed Americanizing of those who mean to enroll as fellow
citizens.
Before enlarging the immigration quotas we had better provide registration
for aliens, those now here or continually pressing for admission, and
establish our examination boards abroad, to make sure of desirables only.
By the examination abroad we could end the pathos at our ports, when men
and women find our doors closed, after long voyages and wasted savings,
because they are unfit for admission It would be kindlier and safer to tell
them before they embark
Our program of admission and treatment of immigrants is very intimately
related to the educational policy of the Republic With illiteracy estimated
at front two-tenths of 1 per cent to less than 2 per cent in 10 of the
foremost nations of Europe it rivets our attention to it serious problem
when we are reminded of a 6 per cent illiteracy in the United States. The
figures are based on the test which defines an Illiterate as one having no
schoollng whatever. Remembering tile wide freedom of our public schools
with compulsory attendance in many States in the Union, one is convinced
that much of our excessive illiteracy comes to us from abroad, and the
education of the immigrant becomes it requisite to his Americanization. It
must be done if he is fittingly to exercise the duties as well as enjoy the
privileges of American citizenship. Here is revealed tile Special field for
Federal cooperation in furthering education
From the very beginning public education has been left mainly in the hands
of the States. So far as schooling youth is concerned the policy has been
justified, because no responsibility can be so effective as that of tile
local community alive to its task. I believe in the cooperation of the
national authority to stimulate, encourage, and broaden tile Work of tile
local authorities But it is the especial obligation of tile Federal
Government to devise means and effectively assist in the education of the
newcomer from foreign lands, so that the level of American education may be
made the highest that is humanly possible.
Closely related to this problem of education is the abolition of child
labor. Twice Congress has attempted the correction of the evils incident to
child employment. The decision of the Supreme Court has put this problem
outside the proper domain of Federal regulation until the Constitution is
so amended as to give the Congress indubitable authority. I recommend the
submission of such an amendment.
We have two schools of thought relating to amendment of the Constitution.
One need not be committed to the belief that amendment is weakening the
fundamental law, or that excessive amendment is essential to meet every
ephemeral whim. We ought to amend to meet the demands of the people when
sanctioned by deliberate public opinion.
One year ago I suggested the submission of an amendment so that we may
lawfully restrict the issues of taxexempt securities, and I renew that
recommendation now. Tax-exempt securities are drying up the sources of
Federal taxation and they are encouraging unproductive and extravagant
expenditures by States and municipalities. There is more than the menace in
mounting public debt, there is the dissipation of capital which should be
made available to the needs of productive industry. The proposed amendment
will place the State and Federal Governments and all political subdivisions
on an exact equality, and will correct the growing menace of public
borrowing, which if left unchecked may soon threaten the stability of our
institutions.
We are so vast and so varied in our national interests that scores of
problems are pressing for attention. I must not risk the wearying of your
patience with detailed reference.
Reclamation and irrigation projects, where waste land may be made available
for settlement and productivity, are worthy of your favorable
consideration.
When it is realized that we are consuming our timber four times as rapidly
as we are growing it, we must encourage the greatest possible cooperation
between the Federal Government, the various States, and the owners of
forest lands, to the end that protection from fire shall be made more
effective and replanting encouraged.
The fuel problem is under study now by a very capable fact-finding
commission, and any attempt to deal with the coal problem, of such deep
concern to the entire Nation, must await the report of the commission.
There are necessary studies of great problems which Congress might well
initiate. The wide spread between production costs and prices which
consumers pay concerns every citizen of the Republic. It contributes very
largely to the unrest in "agriculture and must stand sponsor for much
against which we inveigh in that familiar term--the high cost of living.
No one doubts the excess is traceable to the levy of the middleman, but it
would be unfair to charge him with all responsibility before we appraise
what is exacted of him by our modernly complex life. We have attacked the
problem on one side by the promotion of cooperative marketing, and we might
well inquire into the benefits of cooperative buying. Admittedly, the
consumer is much to blame himself, because of his prodigal expenditure and
his exaction of service, but Government might well serve to point the way
of narrowing the spread of price, especially between the production of food
and its consumption.
A superpower survey of the eastern industrial region has recently been
completed, looking to unification of steam, water, and electric powers, and
to a unified scheme of power distribution. The survey proved that vast
economies in tonnage movement of freights, and in the efficiency of the
railroads, would be effected if the superpower program were adopted. I am
convinced that constructive measures calculated to promote such an
industrial development--I am tempted to say, such an industrial
revolution-would be well worthy the careful attention and fostering
interest of the National Government.
The proposed survey of a plan to draft all the resources of the Republic,
human and material, for national defense may well have your approval. I
commended such a program in case of future war, in the inaugural address.
of March 4, 1921, and every experience in the adjustment and liquidation of
war claims and the settlement of war obligations persuades me we ought to
be prepared for such universal call to armed defense.
I bring you no apprehension of war. The world is abhorrent of it, and our
own relations are not only free from every threatening cloud, but we have
contributed our larger influence toward making armed conflict less likely.
Those who assume that we played our part in the World War and later took
ourselves aloof and apart, unmindful of world obligations, give scant
credit to the helpful part we assume in international relationships.
Whether all nations signatory ratify all the treaties growing out of the
Washington Conference on Limitation of Armament or some withhold approval,
the underlying policy of limiting naval armament has the sanction of the
larger naval powers, and naval competition is suspended. Of course,
unanimous ratification is much to be desired.
The four-power pact, which abolishes every probability of war on the
Pacific, has brought new confidence in a maintained peace, and I can well
believe it might be made a model for like assurances wherever in the world
any common interests are concerned.
We have had expressed the hostility of the American people to a
supergovernment or to any commitment where either a council or an assembly
of leagued powers may chart our course. Treaties of armed alliance can have
no likelihood of American sanction, but we believe in respecting the rights
of nations, in the value of conference and consultation, in the
effectiveness of leaders of nations looking each other in the face ace
before resorting to the arbitrament of arms.
It has been our fortune both to preach and promote international
understanding. The influence of the United States in bringing near the
settlement of an ancient dispute between South American nations is added
proof of the glow of peace in ample understanding. In Washington to-day are
met the delegates of the Central American nations, gathered at the table of
international understanding, to stabilize their Republics and remove every
vestige of disagreement. They are met here by our invitation, not in our
aloofness, and they accept our hospitality because they have faith in our
unselfishness and believe in our helpfulness. Perhaps we are selfish in
craving their confidence and friendship, but such a selfishness we proclaim
to the world, regardless of hemisphere, or seas dividing.
I would like the Congress and the people of the Nation to believe that in a
firm and considerate way we are insistent on American rights wherever they
may be questioned, and deny no rights of others in the assertion of our
own. Moreover we are cognizant of the world's struggles for full
readjustment and rehabilitation, and we have shirked no duty which comes of
sympathy, or fraternity, or highest fellowship among nations. Every
obligation consonant with American ideals and sanctioned under our form of
government is willingly met. When we can not support we do not demand. Our
constitutional limitations do not forbid the exercise of a moral influence,
the measure of which is not less than the high purposes we have sought to
serve.
After all there is less difference about the part this great Republic shall
play in furthering peace and advancing humanity than in the manner of
playing it. We ask no one to assume responsibility for us; we assume no
responsibility which others must bear for themselves, unless nationality is
hopelessly swallowed up in internationalism.