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State of the Union Addresses of James Monroe

J >> James Monroe >> State of the Union Addresses of James Monroe




A bill which assumed the right to adopt and execute such a system having
been presented for my signature at the last session, I was compelled, from
the view which I had taken of the powers of the General Government, to
negative it, on which occasion I thought it proper to communicate the
sentiments which I had formed, on mature consideration, on the whole
subject. To that communication, in all the views in which the great
interest to which it relates may be supposed to merit your attention, I
have now to refer. Should Congress, however, deem it improper to recommend
such an amendment, they have, according to my judgment, the right to keep
the road in repair by providing for the superintendence of it and
appropriating the money necessary for repairs. Surely if they had the right
to appropriate money to make the road they have a right to appropriate it
to preserve the road from ruin. From the exercise of this power no danger
is to be apprehended.

Under our happy system the people are the sole and exclusive fountain of
power. Each Government originates from them, and to them alone, each to its
proper constituents, are they respectively and solely responsible for the
faithful discharge of their duties within their constitutional limits; and
that the people will confine their public agents of every station to the
strict line of their constitutional duties there is no cause of doubt.

Having, however, communicated my sentiments to Congress at the last session
fully in the document to which I have referred, respecting the right of
appropriation as distinct from the right of jurisdiction and sovereignty
over the territory in question, I deem it improper to enlarge on the
subject here.

From the best information I have been able to obtain it appears that our
manufactures, though depressed immediately after the peace, have
considerably increased, and are still increasing, under the encouragement
given them by the tariff of 1816 and by subsequent laws. Satisfied I am,
whatever may be the abstract doctrine in favor of unrestricted commerce,
provided all nations would concur in it and it was not liable to be
interrupted by war, which has never occurred and can not be expected, that
there are other strong reasons applicable to our situation and relations
with other countries which impose on us the obligation to cherish and
sustain our manufactures.

Satisfied, however, I likewise am that the interest of every part of our
Union, even of those most benefitted by manufactures, requires that this
subject should be touched with the greatest caution, and a critical
knowledge of the effect to be produced by the slightest change. On full
consideration of the subject in all its relations I am persuaded that a
further augmentation may now be made of the duties on certain foreign
articles in favor of our own and without affecting injuriously any other
interest. For more precise details I refer you to the communications which
were made to Congress during the last session.

So great was the amount of accounts for moneys advanced during the late
war, in addition to others of a previous date which in the regular
operations of the Government necessarily remained unsettled, that it
required a considerable length of time for their adjustment. By a report
from the first Comptroller of the Treasury it appears that on [1817-03-04],
the accounts then unsettled amounted to $103,068,876.41, of which on
[1922-09-30], $93,175,396.56 had been settled, leaving on that day a
balance unsettled of $9,893,479.85. That there have been drawn from the
Treasury, in paying the public debt and sustaining the Government in all
its operations and disbursements, since [1817-03-04], $157,199,380.96, the
accounts for which have been settled to the amount of $137,501,451.12,
leaving a balance unsettled of $19,697,929.84. for precise details
respecting each of these balances I refer to the report of the Comptroller
and the documents which accompany it.

From this view it appears that our commercial differences with France and
Great Britain have been placed in a train of amicable arrangement on
conditions fair and honorable in both instances to each party; that our
finances are in a very productive state, our revenue being at present fully
competent to all the demands upon it; that our military force is well
organized in all its branches and capable of rendering the most important
service in case of emergency that its number will admit of; that due
progress has been made, under existing appropriations, in the construction
of fortifications and in the operations of the Ordnance Dep't; that due
progress has in like manner been made in the construction of ships of war;
that our Navy is in the best condition, felt and respected in every sea in
which it is employed for the protection of our commerce; that our
manufactures have augmented in amount and improved in quality; that great
progress has been made in the settlement of accounts and in the recovery of
the balances due by individuals, and that the utmost economy is secured and
observed in every Dep't of the Administration. Other objects will likewise
claim your attention, because from the station which the United States hold
as a member of the great community of nations they have rights to maintain,
duties to perform, and dangers to encounter.

A strong hope was entertained that peace would ere this have been concluded
between Spain and the independent governments south of the United States in
this hemisphere. Long experience having evinced the competency of those
governments to maintain the independence which they had declared, it was
presumed that the considerations which induced their recognition by the
United States would have had equal weight with other powers, and that Spain
herself, yielding to those magnanimous feelings of which her history
furnishes so many examples, would have terminated on that basis a
controversy so unavailing and at the same time so destructive. We still
cherish the hope that this result will not long be postponed.

Sustaining our neutral position and allowing to each party while the war
continues equal rights, it is incumbent on the United States to claim of
each with equal rigor the faithful observance of our rights according to
the well-known law of nations. From each, therefore, a like cooperation is
expected in the suppression of the piratical practice which has grown out
of this war and of blockades of extensive coasts on both seas, which,
considering the small force employed to sustain them, have not the
slightest foundation to rest on.

Europe is still unsettled, and although the war long menaced between Russia
and Turkey has not broken out, there is no certainty that the differences
between those powers will be amicably adjusted. It is impossible to look to
the oppressions of the country respecting which those differences arose
without being deeply affected. The mention of Greece fills the mind with
the most exalted sentiments and arouses in our bosoms the best feelings of
which our nature is susceptible. Superior skill and refinement in the arts,
heroic gallantry in action, disinterested patriotism, enthusiastic zeal and
devotion in favor of public and personal liberty are associated with our
recollections of ancient Greece. That such a country should have been
overwhelmed and so long hidden, as it were, from the world under a gloomy
despotism has been a cause of unceasing and deep regret to generous minds
for ages past. It was natural, therefore, that the reappearance of those
people in their original character, contending in favor of their liberties,
should produce that great excitement and sympathy in their favor which have
been so signally displayed throughout the United States. A strong hope is
entertained that these people will recover their independence and resume
their equal station among the nations of the earth.

A great effort has been made in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition
of the people, and it must be very consoling to all benevolent minds to see
the extraordinary moderation with which it has been conducted. That it may
promote the happiness of both nations is the ardent wish of this whole
people, to the expression of which we confine ourselves; for whatever may
be the feelings or sentiments which every individual under our Government
has a right to indulge and express, it is nevertheless a sacred maxim,
equally with the Government and people, that the destiny of every
independent nation in what relates to such improvements of right belongs
and ought to be left exclusively to themselves.

Whether we reason from the late wars or from those menacing symptoms which
now appear in Europe, it is manifest that if a convulsion should take place
in any of those countries it will proceed from causes which have no
existence and are utterly unknown in these States, in which there is but
one order, that of the people, to whom the sovereignty exclusively
belongs.

Should war break out in any of those countries who can foretell the extent
to which it may be carried or the desolation which it may spread? Exempt as
we are from these causes, our internal tranquillity is secure; and distant
as we are from the troubled scene, and faithful to first principles in
regard to other powers, we might reasonably presume that we should not be
molested by them. This, however, ought not to be calculated on as certain.
Unprovoked injuries are often inflicted and even the peculiar felicity of
our situation might with some be a cause for excitement and aggression.

The history of the late wars in Europe furnishes a complete demonstration
that no system of conduct, however correct in principle, can protect
neutral powers from injury from any party; that a defenseless position and
distinguished love of peace are the surest invitations to war, and that
there is no way to avoid it other than by being always prepared and willing
for just cause to meet it. If there be a people on earth whose more
especial duty it is to be at all times prepared to defend the rights with
which they are blessed, and to surpass all others in sustaining the
necessary burthens, and in submitting to sacrifices to make such
preparations, it is undoubtedly the people of these States.

When we see that a civil war of the most frightful character rages from the
Adriatic to the Black Sea; that strong symptoms of war appear in other
parts, proceeding from causes which, should it break out, may become
general and be of long duration; that the war still continues between Spain
and the independent governments, her late Provinces, in this hemisphere;
that it is likewise menaced between Portugal and Brazil, in consequence of
the attempt of the latter to dismember itself from the former, and that a
system of piracy of great extent is maintained in the neighboring seas,
which will require equal vigilance and decision to suppress it, the reasons
for sustaining the attitude which we now hold and for pushing forward all
our measures of defense with the utmost vigor appear to me to acquire new
force.

The United States owe to the world a great example, and, by means thereof,
to the cause of liberty and humanity a generous support. They have so far
succeeded to the satisfaction of the virtuous and enlightened of every
country. There is no reason to doubt that their whole movement will be
regulated by a sacred regard to principle, all our institutions being
founded on that basis. The ability to support our own cause under any trial
to which it may be exposed is the great point on which the public
solicitude rests.

It has been often charged against free governments that they have neither
the foresight nor the virtue to provide at the proper season for great
emergencies; that their course is improvident and expensive; that war will
always find them unprepared, and, whatever may be its calamities, that its
terrible warnings will be disregarded and forgotten as soon as peace
returns. I have full confidence that this charge so far as relates to the
United States will be shewn to be utterly destitute of truth.

***

State of the Union Address
James Monroe
December 2, 1823

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

Many important subjects will claim your attention during the present
session, of which I shall endeavor to give, in aid of your deliberations, a
just idea in this communication. I undertake this duty with diffidence,
from the vast extent of the interests on which I have to treat and of their
great importance to every portion of our Union. I enter on it with zeal
from a thorough conviction that there never was a period since the
establishment of our Revolution when, regarding the condition of the
civilized world and its bearing on us, there was greater necessity for
devotion in the public servants to their respective duties, or for virtue,
patriotism, and union in our constituents.

Meeting in you a new Congress, I deem it proper to present this view of
public affairs in greater detail than might otherwise be necessary. I do
it, however, with peculiar satisfaction, from a knowledge that in this
respect I shall comply more fully with the sound principles of our
Government.

The people being with us exclusively the sovereign, it is indispensable
that full information be laid before them on all important subjects, to
enable them to exercise that high power with complete effect. If kept in
the dark, they must be incompetent to it. We are all liable to error, and
those who are engaged in the management of public affairs are more subject
to excitement and to be led astray by their particular interests and
passions than the great body of our constituents, who, living at home in
the pursuit of their ordinary avocations, are calm but deeply interested
spectators of events and of the conduct of those who are parties to them.

To the people every department of the Government and every individual in
each are responsible, and the more full their information the better they
can judge of the wisdom of the policy pursued and of the conduct of each in
regard to it. From their dispassionate judgment much aid may always be
obtained, while their approbation will form the greatest incentive and most
gratifying reward for virtuous actions, and the dread of their censure the
best security against the abuse of their confidence. Their interests in all
vital questions are the same, and the bond, by sentiment as well as by
interest, will be proportionably strengthened as they are better informed
of the real state of public affairs, especially in difficult conjunctures.
It is by such knowledge that local prejudices and jealousies are
surmounted, and that a national policy extending its fostering care and
protection to all the great interests of our Union, is formed and steadily
adhered to.

A precise knowledge of our relations with foreign powers as respects our
negotiations and transactions with each is thought to be particularly
necessary. Equally necessary is it that we should for a just estimate of
our resources, revenue, and progress in every kind of improvement connected
with the national prosperity and public defense. It is by rendering justice
to other nations that we may expect it from them. It is by our ability to
resent injuries and redress wrongs that we may avoid them.

The commissioners under the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent, having
disagreed in their opinions respecting that portion of the boundary between
the Territories of the United States and of Great Britain the establishment
of which had been submitted to them, have made their respective reports in
compliance with that article, that the same might be referred to the
decision of a friendly power. It being manifest, however, that it would be
difficult, if not impossible, for any power to perform that office without
great delay and much inconvenience to itself, a proposal has been made by
this Government, and acceded to by that of Great Britain, to endeavor to
establish that boundary by amicable negotiation.

It appearing from long experience that no satisfactory arrangement could be
formed of the commercial intercourse between the United States and the
British colonies in this hemisphere by legislative acts while each party
pursued its own course without agreement or concert with the other, a
proposal has been made to the British Government to regulate this commerce
by treaty, as it has been to arrange in like manner the just claim of the
citizens of the United States inhabiting the States and Territories
bordering on the lakes and rivers which empty into the St. Lawrence to the
navigation of that river to the ocean. For these and other objects of high
importance to the interests of both parties a negotiation has been opened
with the British Government which it is hoped will have a satisfactory
result.

The commissioners under the 6th and 7th articles of the treaty of Ghent
having successfully closed their labors in relation to the 6th, have
proceeded to the discharge of those relating to the 7th. Their progress in
the extensive survey required for the performance of their duties justifies
the presumption that it will be completed in the ensuing year.

The negotiation which had been long depending with the French Government on
several important subjects, and particularly for a just indemnity for
losses sustained in the late wars by the citizens of the United States
under unjustifiable seizures and confiscations of their property, has not
as yet had the desired effect. As this claim rests on the same principle
with others which have been admitted by the French Government, it is not
perceived on what just ground it can be rejected. A minister will be
immediately appointed to proceed to France and resume the negotiation on
this and other subjects which may arise between the two nations.

At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the
minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have
been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg to
arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and interests of the
two nations on the North West coast of this continent. A similar proposal
had been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain,
which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has
been desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the great value
which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor and
their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his Government.
In the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the
arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged
proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of
the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free
and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are
henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any
European powers.

Since the close of the last session of Congress the commissioners and
arbitrators for ascertaining and determining the amount of indemnification
which may be due to citizens of the United States under the decision of His
Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia, in conformity to the convention
concluded at St. Petersburg on [1822-07-12], have assembled in this city,
and organized themselves as a board for the performance of the duties
assigned to them by that treaty. The commission constituted under the 11th
article of the treaty of [1819-02-22], between the United States and Spain
is also in session here, and as the term of three years limited by the
treaty for the execution of the trust will expire before the period of the
next regular meeting of Congress, the attention of the Legislature will be
drawn to the measures which may be necessary to accomplish the objects for
which the commission was instituted.

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives adopted at
their last session, instructions have been given to all the ministers of
the United States accredited to the powers of Europe and America to propose
the proscription of the African slave trade by classing it under the
denomination, and inflicting on its perpetrators the punishment, of piracy.
Should this proposal be acceded to, it is not doubted that this odious and
criminal practice will be promptly and entirely suppressed. It is earnestly
hoped that it will be acceded to, from the firm belief that it is the most
effectual expedient that can be adopted for the purpose.

At the commencement of the recent war between France and Spain it was
declared by the French Government that it would grant no commissions to
privateers, and that neither the commerce of Spain herself nor of neutral
nations should be molested by the naval force of France, except in the
breach of a lawful blockade. This declaration, which appears to have been
faithfully carried into effect, concurring with principles proclaimed and
cherished by the United States from the first establishment of their
independence, suggested the hope that the time had arrived when the
proposal for adopting it as a permanent and invariable rule in all future
maritime wars might meet the favorable consideration of the great European
powers. Instructions have accordingly been given to our ministers with
France, Russia, and Great Britain to make those proposals to their
respective Governments, and when the friends of humanity reflect on the
essential amelioration to the condition of the human race which would
result from the abolition of private war on the sea and on the great
facility by which it might be accomplished, requiring only the consent of a
few sovereigns, an earnest hope is indulged that these overtures will meet
with an attention animated by the spirit in which they were made, and that
they will ultimately be successful.

The ministers who were appointed to the Republics of Colombia and Buenos
Ayres during the last session of Congress proceeded shortly afterwards to
their destinations. Of their arrival there official intelligence has not
yet been received. The minister appointed to the Republic of Chile will
sail in a few days. An early appointment will also be made to Mexico. A
minister has been received from Colombia, and the other Governments have
been informed that ministers, or diplomatic agents of inferior grade, would
be received from each, accordingly as they might prefer the one or the
other.

The minister appointed to Spain proceeded soon after his appointment for
Cadiz, the residence of the Sovereign to whom he was accredited. In
approaching that port the frigate which conveyed him was warned off by the
commander of the French squadron by which it was blockaded and not
permitted to enter, although apprised by the captain of the frigate of the
public character of the person whom he had on board, the landing of whom
was the sole object of his proposed entry. This act, being considered an
infringement of the rights of ambassadors and of nations, will form a just
cause of complaint to the Government of France against the officer by whom
it was committed.

The actual condition of the public finances more than realizes the
favorable anticipations that were entertained of it at the opening of the
last session of Congress. On the first of January there was a balance in
the Treasury of $4,237,427.55. From that time to the 30th of September the
receipts amounted to upward of $16.1M, and the expenditures to $11.4M.
During the 4th quarter of the year it is estimated that the receipts will
at least equal the expenditures, and that there will remain in the Treasury
on the first day of January next a surplus of nearly $9M.

On [1825-01-01], a large amount of the war debt and a part of the
Revolutionary debt become redeemable. Additional portions of the former
will continue to become redeemable annually until the year 1835. it is
believed, however, that if the United States remain at peace the whole of
that debt may be redeemed by the ordinary revenue of those years during
that period under the provision of the act of [1817-03-03], creating the
sinking fund, and in that case the only part of the debt that will remain
after the year 1835 will be the $7M of 5% stock subscribed to the Bank of
the United States, and the 3% Revolutionary debt, amounting to
$13,296,099.06, both of which are redeemable at the pleasure of the
Government.

The state of the Army in its organization and discipline has been gradually
improving for several years, and has now attained a high degree of
perfection. The military disbursements have been regularly made and the
accounts regularly and promptly rendered for settlement. The supplies of
various descriptions have been of good quality, and regularly issued at all
of the posts. A system of economy and accountability has been introduced
into every branch of the service which admits of little additional
improvement. This desirable state has been attained by the act reorganizing
the staff of the Army, passed on [1818-04-14].

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