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The Voyage of Verrazzano

H >> Henry C. Murphy >> The Voyage of Verrazzano




It is thus established by the same testimony which furnishes the map
of Lok, taken in conjunction with its own teachings, that it was not
derived from the Verrazano map in its present shape, and does not
represent the Verrazzano discovery.

The only evidence of the existence of the Verrazano map in any
cosmographical production whatever, book, chart or globe, so far as
known, independently of its history in the Borgian collection, is a
copper globe, found by the late Buckingham Smith in Spain, a few
years ago, and now in the possession of the New York Historical
Society. This globe purports to have been constructed by Euphrosynus
Ulpios in 1542. Inscribed upon it, in a separate scroll, is a
dedication, in these words; "Marcello Cervino S. R. E. Presbitero
Cardinali D.D. Rome." Cervinus had been archbishop of Florence and
was afterwards raised from the cardinalate to the pontificate under
the title of Marcellus II. This globe represents the western sea in
the same form as it is on the Verrazano map, and contains a legend
on the country lying between the isthmus and Cape Breton, in these
words: "Verrazana sive Nova Gallia a Verrazano Florentino Comperta
anno sal. M.D." In all other respects it differs essentially from
the map in its description of the coast. Florida and Cape Breton are
laid down in their true positions, and the isthmus occurs at the
parallel of 33 degrees N. latitude, instead of 41 degrees. The
direction of the coast, between the two points just mentioned, is
more northerly, and the length of it consequently much reduced. The
names along the coast, so far as the photograph of the map furnishes
the means of comparison, are entirely different, except that Piaggia
de Calami appears north of the isthmus. Dieppa and Livorno are not
found upon it. But the legend affords indubitable evidence that the
Maker had consulted the map. The name of Verrazana applied to the
land is found no where else no applied, except on the map. But the
incompleteness in which the date of the discovery is left, us if
written 15--, proves that the maker was unable to ascertain it fully
from his authority; the map, therefore, must have been his sole
authority.

As to the authenticity of this globe there is no other evidence than
that it has the appearance of an old instrument, and its
representations generally correspond with the state of geographical
knowledge of the period of its date. [Footnote: It measures forty-
two inches in circumference. Hist. Mag. (New York) 1862, p. 202. A
map showing so much of it as relates to North America, was
lithographed for the dissertation of Mr. Smith, and is here
reproduced.] Adopting its own story of its construction, it proves
the existence of the Verrazano map, with the Verrazzano discoveries
upon it, and consequently the existence of the claim as early as the
year 1542.

The other references to a Verrazzano map, prove nothing on the
subject of the discoveries, unless the letter of Annibal Caro, which
alludes to discoveries by the brothers Verrazzani, in connection
with a map, he deemed as referring to them. In that case, 1537 would
be the earliest mention of them, in any known publication. Lok and
Hakluyt, as has been already seen, clearly do not refer to any map
showing the Verrazzano discoveries. The period of the fabrication of
the letter may therefore, possibly, be fixed between 1536 and 1542.
But whether this period be properly deduced or not, is immaterial;
since in no event can an earlier date than 1529 be assigned by any
evidence outside of the letter, for the existence of the Verrazzano
claim; which year, as is now to be shown, was long after the coast
had been discovered and made known to the world by another.




IX.

THE LETTER TO THE KING FOUNDED ON THE DISCOVERIES OF ESTEVAN GOMEZ.
THE HISTORY OF GOMEZ AND HIS VOYAGE. THE PUBLICATION OF HIS
DISCOVERIES IN SPAIN AND ITALY BEFORE THE VERRAZZANO CLAIM. THE
VOYAGE DESCRIBED IN THE LETTER TRACED TO RIBERO's MAP OF THE
DISCOVERIES OF GOMEZ.


In the proofs adduced, outside of the letter addressed to the king,
no direct evidence appears in regard to the discovery. There is no
testimony to be found of any one who took part in the setting forth
or equipment of the expedition, or in the prosecution of the voyage,
or who was personally cognizant of the return of the Dauphiny. No
chart or private letter, no declaration or statement of the
navigator, in regard to the extraordinary discovery achieved by him,
is produced or mentioned, although he belonged to a family of some
note in Tuscany, which still existed in the present century. In this
respect, Italy, the birth place and home of Verrazzano, is as blank
and barren as France. All that is really shown of any pertinency is
the single circumstance, that possibly the claim to the discovery
was advanced in Italy, and in that country alone, at the time of the
construction of the globe of Ulpius in 1542, but not anterior to the
year 1529, or until five years after the event, when, according to
the Verrazano map, if that he accepted as genuine in its present
form, and the most favorable construction be upon its ambiguous
legend, of which that inscription is capable, the claim was for the
first time announced. And thus there is nothing showing that the
letter or its pretensions were known before the last named year. In
view this important fact, and the absence of any evidence whatsoever
corroborative of the letter or its contents, it is not unreasonable
to believe that the letter was an attempt to appropriate to the
Florentine the glory which belonged to Estevan Gomez, a Portuguese
pilot, who actually discovered and explored this coast, in 1525, in
the service of the emperor, Charles V, and whose voyage and
exploration were immediately thereupon made known, both, in Spain
and Italy. That such, indeed, was the source from which the
Verrazzano letter was derived is susceptible of demonstration; and
for that purpose some account of the voyage and discoveries of Gomez
and their publication becomes necessary.

Gomez, who was born in Oporto and reared there to a sea-faring life,
for some reason, unexplained; left Portugal and entered into the
Spanish service, in which he was appointed pilot in 1518, at the
some time that Sebastian Cabot was created pilot major in the same
service. He proposed immediately to the king, to go in search of a
new route to the. Moluccas or Spice islands recently discovered by
the Portuguese, and which, he affirmed, were within the limits
assigned to Spain by the line of demarkation. He exhibited a chart
constructed by him showing this fact, [Footnote: Cespedes,
"Regimento de Navigacion," 148.] from which it may be inferred that
he had already made a voyage to those islands. The way which he
proposed then to take is not mentioned. At the same juncture
Magellan also arrived in Spain and tendered his services to find a
new route to the Moluccas, specifically by the west, as delineated
on a globe which he produced. Magellan prevailed in his suit, which
was the reason, according to Pigafetta, the historian of the
expedition, that the emperor did not give Gomez any caravels to
discover new lands. [Footnote: Primo Viaggio, 38] It is to be
inferred, therefore, that the first route proposed by Gomez was not
by the west. The fleet of Magellan set sail on his expedition in
September 1519, with Gomez as chief pilot, an arrangement intended
to conciliate and combine both interests; but it was not a happy
one. Actuated, it is charged, by a spirit of jealousy and a desire
to embarrass Magellan, and render his voyage abortive, Gomez at the
very moment that success was assured, and the fleet was entering the
strait which led into the Pacific, abandoned his commander; and
profiting by the opportunity which was offered him in being detached
by Magellan with the San Antonio, one of the ships, to make a
reconnaissance in another direction, joined with certain mutineers,
seized the captain of that vessel, and returned with her to Spain,
arriving there in March 1521. The reasons assigned by him for this
desertion of the expedition, were the severity of the treatment of
the crew by Magellan, a want of provisions and the unseaworthiness
of the San Antonio. He was, however, held by the council of the
Indies to answer to any charges which might be preferred against him
by Magellan on his return, and in the meantime his pay was
sequestered and his property on board the ship attached. In
September 1522, the Victoria, the only ship of Magellan's squadron
which succeeded in returning to Spain, arrived with the news of
Magellan's discovery, and also of his death in a conflict with the
natives of the island of Tidore. Upon this information proceedings
against Gomez were discontinued and his property released.

The success of Magellan served the more to stimulate the purpose of
Gomez to undertake a search for the same object. It was supposed at
that time, by Sebastian Cabot and others, that the northern parts of
America were broken up into islands, but nothing positively was
known in relation to them, except in the region of Newfoundland.
Between that country and South Carolina, then recently discovered by
the joint expedition of the licentiates, all was unknown; and it was
considered not improbable that a passage might be found between
those points, through to Cathay and the Moluccas, the same as had
been discovered in the south, by Magellan. Gomez, released from his
disabilities, renewed his application to the emperor for permission
to prosecute his search, proposing now to make it through the
northern seas; and on the 27th of August 1523 a cedule was made to
that effect authorizing him to go with a caravel of fifty toneles
burden on the discovery of eastern Cathay. [Footnote: Herrera, III.
Iv. 20. The cedule is still extant in the archives at Seville.] In
consequence, however, of the remonstrance of the king of Portugal
against any interference with his rights to the Moluccas, Charles
suspended the prosecution of further voyages in that quarter until
the question should be determined to which of the two crowns those
islands belonged by virtue of the pope's demarcation. The voyage of
Gomez, and also that of Cabot to the La Plata, were delayed until
the decision of the junta convened at Badajos by the two monarchs
for the purpose of making this determination. To this body Gomez, in
conjunction with Sebastian Cabot and Juan Vespucci as pilots, and
Diego Ribero as cartographer, was attached,--a circumstance which
shows the high estimation in which his nautical knowledge was held.
The proceedings closed in May 1524, too late for Gomez to make his
arrangements to leave in that year. These were completed, however,
in February 1525, in which month he set sail from Coruna, in the
north of Spain, in a single caravel, on his voyage of discovery,
[Footnote: Navarrete III. 179. Peter Martyr, Dec. VII. 8.] Peter
Martyr, after mentioning the proposed expedition of Sebastian Cabot
to the south, thus refers in July 1524, to that of Gomez and its
destination. "It is also decreed that one Stephanus Gomez, who also
himselfe is a skillful navigator, shal goe another way, whereby,
betweene the Baccalaos and Florida, long since our countries, he
saith he will finde out a waye to Cataia: one onely shippe, called a
Carvell, is furnished for him, and he shall have no other thing in
charge then to search out whether any passage to the great Chan,
from out the diuers windings and vast compassings of this our Ocean,
were to be founde." [Footnote: Peter Martyr, Dec. VI. 10. Eden's
trans.]

Gomez commenced his exploration on the coast of South Carolina, and
proceeding thence northwardly, reached the Rio de la buelta, where,
as that name denotes, he commenced his return, on the island of Cape
Breton. He carefully observed the rivers, capes and bays, which
occur within those limits, entering the Chesapeake, Delaware, Hudson
and Penobscot, to which he gave appropriate names, derived from the
church calendar, or from some characteristic of the locality. He was
for a while encouraged to believe, in consequence of the great flood
of water which he found issuing from the Penobscot, or Rio de Gamos,
(Stag river), that he had there fallen upon the desired strait.
Though unsuccessful in the object of his search, he nevertheless
accomplished an important service for geographical science, in
determining that no such passage existed within the region he had
sailed. Taking in a cargo of Indians from the islands of the great
bay, he continued his course to the south, and running along the
coast of Florida, returned to Spain by way of Cuba. [Footnote: Peter
Martyr, Dec. VI. c. 10. Herrera, III, VIII. S. Cespedes, Yslario
General, in MS. Cespedes was cosmographer major of the Indies in
Seville and wrote many geographical works early in the seventeenth
century. His Yslario General, embracing a history of the islands of
the world, exists in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid.]

The authenticity of this voyage is established by Oviedo and Peter
Martyr both of whom were eyewitnesses of the Indians which Gomez
brought home and exhibited at Toledo. Both of these writers have
given short accounts of the voyage, which, as it was not successful
in the purpose for which it was undertaken and promised no returns
of gold, excited no public attention. The results were, however,
interesting to the hydrographers of Spain, who soon prepared charts
of the coast, according to his exploration, among which that made by
Diego Ribero, associate of Gomez at the junta of Badajos, and royal
cosmographer, will demand especial attention.

The voyage of Gomez and what he had accomplished became immediately
known to the world at large by printed publications. He arrived home
on his return in November 1525; and three months afterwards Oviedo
published his first work, addressed to the emperor, in which he
makes the following brief mention of the expedition.

"Shortly after that yowr Maiestie came to the citie of Toledo, there
arryved in the moneth of November, Stephen Gomes the pylot who the
yeare before of 1524 by the commandement of yowre maiestie sayled to
the Northe partes and founde a greate parte of lande continuate from
that which is cauled Baccaleos discoursynge towarde the West to the
XL and XLI degree, fro whense he brought certeyne Indians, of the
whiche he brought sum with hym from thense who are yet in Toledo at
this present, and of greater stature than other of the firme land as
they are commonlye. Theyr coloure is much like the other of the
firme lande. They are great archers, and go couered with the skinnes
of dyuers beastes both wylde and tame. In this lande are many
excellent furres, as marterns, sables and such other rych furres, of
the which the sayde pilot brought summe with hym into Spayne. They
have sylver and copper and certeyne other metalles. They are
Idolaters and honoure the soonne and moone, and are seduced with
suche superstitions and errours as are they of the firme."
[Footnote: Oviedo de la natural hystoria de las Indias. (Toledo, 15
Feby. 1526), fol. 14; and under the title of Relucion Sumaria, p.
16, in Barcia's Historiadores primitivas, tome 1. Translated in
Eden's Decades of the new worlde, fol. 213-14.]

The details of the exploration appear more distinctly upon the
charts which the royal cosmographers at Seville prepared, with the
names given to the prominent points of the coast. Two of these maps
are still extant, bearing the respective dates of 1527 and 1529, the
first by an anonymous cartographer, and the last by Ribero.
[Footnote: Both these maps, so far as they relate to America, have
been reproduced, with very valuable notes and illustrations, by Mr.
Kohl in Die beiden altesten general karten von Amerika. Weimar
1860.] The whole line of coast from the river Jordan, in latitude 33
degrees 10', visited by both the expeditions of Ayllon, to Cape
Breton, is laid down upon them with sufficient exactitude. The names
indicate the exploration to have been made by Gomez the whole
distance between those points; for no other navigator of Spain, in
the language of which they are given, had sailed within those limits
up to the time these maps bear date. The only question which has
been raised in this regard relates to the expeditions of Ayllon; but
the first of these, a joint descent upon the coast to carry off
Indians in 1520 by two vessels belonging to the licentiates Ayllon
and Matienzo of St. Domingo, proceeded no further than the Jordan,
as we learn from the testimony of Pedro de Quejo, the pilot of
Matienzo. [Footnote: Proceedings before the Auditors at St Domingo,
by virtues of a royal decree of Nov. 1525, in relation to the
dispute between Ayllon and Matienzo concerning their discovery,
preserved in MS. at Seville.] The expedition which Ayllon made
afterwards in 1526, in person, to the same coast, proceeded directly
to the river Jordan, and after remaining there a few days, ran
southwesterly along the coast to Gualdape or St Helena, where Ayllon
died, and from whence it thereupon immediately returned home to St
Domingo, without any further attempt at exploration. [Footnote: tom.
III. p 624. (Madrid 1853.) Mr. Kohl states (Discovery of Mains, 397)
that the ships of Ayllon made an extensive survey of the coast,
NORTH of the Jordan, soon after their arrival in the country. In
this he is in error; into which he appears to have been misled by
Navarrete, a part of whose language he quotes in a note, as that of
Oviedo. Navarret, referring to the portion of Oviedo's history, not
then (1899) published, as his authority, says on this point that
after leaving the river Jordan the ships of Ayllon proceeded to
Gualdape, "distante cuarenta o cicuenta leguas mas al norte" distant
forty or fifty leagues more to the north; whereas the language of
Oviedo, as contained in the recently published edition of his work,
is, "acordaron de yrse a pohlar la costa delante hacia la costa
accidental, e fueron a un grand rio (quarenta o quarenta e cico
leguas de alli, pocas mas o menos) que si dice Gualdape," (ut supra,
p. 628) they agreed to go and settle the coast further on towards
the west coast, and sent to a large river (forty or fifty-five
leagues from that place, a little more or less) which is called
Gualdape. The course of the coast at these points is northeast and
southwest. A westerly course was therefore to the SOUTH and not to
the north. Besides, Oviedo states that the Jordan was in latitude 33
degrees 40' and that Gualdape was the country through which the
river St. Helena ran, which he also calls the river of Gualdape, and
which in another part of his history he places in latitude 33
degrees N., and expressly stating that the Jordan was north of the
St. Helena, towards Cape Trafalgar, or Cape Fear (tom. II p. 144.)
Ayllon, therefore did not sail north of the Jordan, and the names on
the Ribero map, north of that river, are not attributed to his
expedition.]

This disastrous expedition, therefore, went no further north, than
the Jordan or Santee. It demonstrated the falsity of the stories
told to Peter Martyr by Francis, the Chicorane, as he was called,
one of the Indians seized in the first expedition and taken by
Ayllon to Spain, of the vast provinces with uncouth names which were
upon his authority transferred to the royal cedule granted to Ayllon
on the 12th June, 1523. [Footnote: P. Martyr, Dec. VII. o.2;
Navarrete III. 153.] That region remained unknown, therefore, until
the voyage of Gomez, and to it and it alone can the names on these
maps, within the limits before designated, be attributed.

These maps passed at once into Italy; and that of Ribero, bearing
the date of 1529 and the arms of the then reigning pontiff, Clement
VII, and his successors, the most finished of the three copies known
to exist, is still to be found at Rome, and is reasonably supposed
to have been the original; and like the last decade of Peter Martyr
in 1526, which mentions the discoveries of Gomez, to have been sent
to the Holy Father at his desire, in order to keep him informed of
the latest discoveries. [Footnote: Nouvelles Annales des Voyages.
Nouvelle series, tome xxxv. Annee 1853. Tome troisieme. Paris. Les
Papes geographes et la cartographic du Vatican. Par R. M. Thomassey.
Appendix p. 275.] Other copies of the Spanish charts showing the
exploration of Gomez, found their way in to Italy about the same
time, proving that there was then no interdict against their
exportation from Spain to that country, at least. [Footnote: In
regard to the freedom which the charts of the Spanish navigators so
enjoyed there is confirmatory proof in Ramusio. In the preface to
his third volume, dedicated to his friend Fracastor of Florence, he
writes: "All the literary men daily inform you of any discovery made
known to them by captain or pilot coming from those parts, and among
others the aforesaid Sig. Gonzalo (Oviedo) from the island of
Hispaniola, who every year visits you once or twice with some new
made chart."] This appears by a volume which was published in Venice
in 1534 under the auspices of Ramusio, [Footnote: M. d'Avezac in
Bulletin de la Societe de Geographic for July and August, 1872.]
embracing a summary of the general history of the West Indies by
Peter Martyr and a translation of Oviedo's natural history of the
Indies of 1526, containing the account of Gomez' voyage, with a map
of America upon which the discoveries of Gomez are laid down the
same as upon the Spanish maps of 1527 and 1529, before mentioned.
The following colophon, giving the origin of this map, is to be
found at the end of the translation of Oviedo: "Printed at Venice,
in the month of December 1534. For the explanation of these books
there has been made an universal map of the countries of all the
West Indies, together with a special map, taken from two marine
charts of the Spaniards, one of which belonged to Don Pietro
Martire, Councillor of the Royal Council of the said Indies, and was
made by the pilot and master of marine charts, Nino Garzia de
Loreno, in Seville. The other was made also by a pilot of the
majesty, the emperor, in Seville. With which maps the reader can
inform himself of the whole of this new world, place by place, the
same as if he had been there himself." [Footnote: This volume has no
general title, but contains three books, primo, secondo & ultimo
della historia de l'India Occidentali. It is very rarely found with
the large map of America. We are indebted to the kindness of James
Lonox, Esq. of New York, for the use of a perfect copy in this
respect.] The special map here referred to is one of Hispaniola, in
the same volume, and was undoubtedly taken from that of Nuno Garcia,
in the possession of Peter Martyr. It was therefore made in or
before the year 1526, since Martyr died in that year. The map of
America, by the pilot of the emperor at Seville, was probably the
anonymous map of 1527 before mentioned, as it appears not to have
had the name of the author upon it. These facts prove at least that
the map of Ribero was in Italy in the year 1529, and that the map of
1527 may have been there before that year.

It was from the delineation of the coast on one or other of these
two maps, which are in that respect almost identically the same,
that the description of it in the Verrazzano letter was derived.
This will now be made manifest by the application of that
description to the map of Ribero, so much of which as is necessary,
is here reproduced for that purpose.

In making the proof thus proposed, it is to be borne in mind that
the letter is positive and explicit as to the extent and limits of
the discovery or exploration which it describes. It fixes them by
three different modes which prove each, other: 1. By giving the
latitude of the commencement and termination of the voyage along the
coast; 2. By a declaration in two different forms of the entire
distance run, and 3. By a statement of intermediate courses and
distances, from point to point, between the landfall and the place
of leaving the coast, separately, making in the aggregate the whole
distance named. There can be therefore no mistake as to the meaning
of the writer in respect of the extent of the exploration.

As to its limits and extent, we have already had occasion to quote
his language in impressing upon Francis the great length of the
voyage; giving both at the same time: "In the voyage," he says,
"which we made by order of your majesty, in addition to the 92
degrees which we ran towards the west from our point of departure,
before we reached land in latitude 34, we have to count 300 leagues
which we ran northeastwardly and 400 nearly east, along the coast,
before we reached the 50th parallel of north latitude, the point
where we turned our course from the shore towards home." This
distance is also mentioned in the total at the end of the voyage,
where he says: "finding our provisions and naval stores nearly
exhausted, we took in wood and water, and determined to return to
France, having discovered 700 leagues of unknown lands."

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