State of the Union Addresses of Franklin Pierce
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Franklin Pierce >> State of the Union Addresses of Franklin Pierce
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11 This eBook was produced by James Linden.
The addresses are separated by three asterisks: ***
Dates of addresses by Franklin Pierce in this eBook:
December 5, 1853
December 4, 1854
December 31, 1855
December 2, 1856
***
State of the Union Address
Franklin Pierce
December 5, 1853
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
The interest with which the people of the Republic anticipate the
assembling of Congress and the fulfillment on that occasion of the duty
imposed upon a new President is one of the best evidences of their capacity
to realize the hopes of the founders of a political system at once complex
and symmetrical. While the different branches of the Government are to a
certain extent independent of each other, the duties of all alike have
direct reference to the source of power. Fortunately, under this system no
man is so high and none so humble in the scale of public station as to
escape from the scrutiny or to be exempt from the responsibility which all
official functions imply.
Upon the justice and intelligence of the masses, in a government thus
organized, is the sole reliance of the confederacy and the only security
for honest and earnest devotion to its interests against the usurpations
and encroachment of power on the one hand and the assaults of personal
ambition on the other.
The interest of which I have spoken is inseparable from an inquiring,
self-governing community, but stimulated, doubtless, at the present time by
the unsettled condition of our relations with several foreign powers, by
the new obligations resulting from a sudden extension of the field of
enterprise, by the spirit with which that field has been entered and the
amazing energy with which its resources for meeting the demands of humanity
have been developed.
Although disease, assuming at one time the characteristics of a widespread
and devastating pestilence, has left its sad traces upon some portions of
our country, we have still the most abundant cause for reverent
thankfulness to God for an accumulation of signal mercies showered upon us
as a nation. It is well that a consciousness of rapid advancement and
increasing strength be habitually associated with an abiding sense of
dependence upon Him who holds in His hands the destiny of men and of
nations.
Recognizing the wisdom of the broad principle of absolute religious
toleration proclaimed in our fundamental law, and rejoicing in the benign
influence which it has exerted upon our social and political condition, I
should shrink from a clear duty did I fail to express my deepest conviction
that we can place no secure reliance upon any apparent progress if it be
not sustained by national integrity, resting upon the great truths affirmed
and illustrated by divine revelation. In the midst of our sorrow for the
afflicted and suffering, it has been consoling to see how promptly disaster
made true neighbors of districts and cities separated widely from each
other, and cheering to watch the strength of that common bond of
brotherhood which unites all hearts, in all parts of this Union, when
danger threatens from abroad or calamity impends over us at home.
Our diplomatic relations with foreign powers have undergone no essential
changesince the adjournment of the last Congress. With some of them
questions of a disturbing character are still pending, but there are good
reasons to believe that these may all be amicably adjusted. For some years
past Great Britain has so construed the first article of the convention of
the 20th of April, 1818, in regard to the fisheries on the northeastern
coast, as to exclude our citizens from some of the fishing grounds to which
they freely resorted for nearly a quarter of a century subsequent to the
date of that treaty. The United States have never acquiesced in this
construction, but have always claimed for their fishermen all the rights
which they had so long enjoyed without molestation. With a view to remove
all difficulties on the subject, to extend the rights of our fishermen
beyond the limits fixed by the convention of 1818, and to regulate trade
between the United States and the British North American Provinces, a
negotiation has been opened with a fair prospect of a favorable result. To
protect our fishermen in the enjoyment of their rights and prevent
collision between them and British fishermen, I deemed it expedient to
station a naval force in that quarter during the fishing season.
Embarrassing questions have also arisen between the two Governments in
regard to Central America. Great Britain has proposed to settle them by an
amicable arrangement, and our minister at London is instructed to enter
into negotiations on that subject. A commission for adjusting the claims of
our citizens against Great Britain and those of British subjects against
the United States, organized under the convention of the 8th of February
last, is now sitting in London for the transaction of business. It is in
many respects desirable that the boundary line between the United States
and the British Provinces in the northwest, as designated in the convention
of the 15th of June, 1846, and especially that part which separates the
Territory of Washington from the British possessions on the north, should
be traced and marked. I therefore present the subject to your notice.
With France our relations continue on the most friendly footing. The
extensive commerce between the United States and that country might, it is
conceived, be released from some unnecessary restrictions to the mutual
advantage of both parties. With a view to this object, some progress has
been made in negotiating a treaty of commerce and navigation.
Independently of our valuable trade with Spain, we have important political
relations with her growing out of our neighborhood to the islands of Cuba
and Porto Rico. I am happy to announce that since the last Congress no
attempts have been made by unauthorized expeditions within the United
States against either of those colonies. Should any movement be manifested
within our limits, all the means at my command will be vigorously exerted
to repress it. Several annoying occurrences have taken place at Havana, or
in the vicinity of the island of Cuba, between our citizens and the Spanish
authorities. Considering the proximity of that island to our shores, lying,
as it does, in the track of trade between some of our principal cities, and
the suspicious vigilance with which foreign intercourse, particularly that
with the United States, is there guarded, a repetition of such occurrences
may well be apprehended.
As no diplomatic intercourse is allowed between our consul at Havana and
the Captain-General of Cuba, ready explanations can not be made or prompt
redress afforded where injury has resulted. All complaint on the part of
our citizens under the present arrangement must be, in the first place,
presented to this Government and then referred to Spain. Spain again refers
it to her local authorities in Cuba for investigation, and postpones an
answer till she has heard from those authorities. To avoid these irritating
and vexatious delays, a proposition has been made to provide for a direct
appeal for redress to the Captain-General by our consul in behalf of our
injured fellow-citizens. Hitherto the Government of Spain has declined to
enter into any such arrangement. This course on her part is deeply
regretted, for without some arrangement of this kind the good understanding
between the two countries may be exposed to occasional interruption. Our
minister at Madrid is instructed to renew the proposition and to press it
again upon the consideration of Her Catholic Majesty's Government.
For several years Spain has been calling the attention of this Government
to a claim for losses by some of her subjects in the case of the schooner
Amistad. This claim is believed to rest on the obligations imposed by our
existing treaty with that country. Its justice was admitted in our
diplomatic correspondence with the Spanish Government as early as March,
1847, and one of my predecessors, in his annual message of that year,
recommended that provision should be made for its payment. In January last
it was again submitted to Congress by the Executive. It has received a
favorable consideration by committees of both branches, but as yet there
has been no final action upon it. I conceive that good faith requires its
prompt adjustment, and I present it to your early and favorable
consideration.
Martin Koszta, a Hungarian by birth, came to this country in 1850, and
declared his intention in due form of law to become a citizen of the United
States. After remaining here nearly two years he visited Turkey. While at
Smyrna he was forcibly seized, taken on board an Austrian brig of war then
lying in the harbor of that place, and there confined in irons, with the
avowed design to take him into the dominions of Austria. Our consul at
Smyrna and legation at Constantinople interposed for his release, but their
efforts were ineffectual. While thus in prison Commander Ingraham, with the
United States ship of war St. Louis, arrived at Smyrna, and after inquiring
into the circumstances of the case came to the conclusion that Koszta was
entitled to the protection of this Government, and took energetic and
prompt measures for his release. Under an arrangement between the agents of
the United States and of Austria, he was transferred to the custody of the
French consul-general at Smyrna, there to remain until he should be
disposed of by the mutual agreement of the consuls of the respective
Governments at that place. Pursuant to that agreement, he has been
released, and is now in the United States. The Emperor of Austria has made
the conduct of our officers who took part in this transaction a subject of
grave complaint. Regarding Koszta as still his subject, and claiming a
right to seize him within the limits of the Turkish Empire, he has demanded
of this Government its consent to the surrender of the prisoner, a
disavowal of the acts of its agents, and satisfaction for the alleged
outrage. After a careful consideration of the case I came to the conclusion
that Koszta was seized without legal authority at Smyrna; that he was
wrongfully detained on board of the Austrian brig of war; that at the time
of his seizure he was clothed with the nationality of the United States,
and that the acts of our officers, under the circumstances of the case,
were justifiable, and their conduct has been fully approved by me, and a
compliance with the several demands of the Emperor of Austria has been
declined.
For a more full account of this transaction and my views in regard to it I
refer to the correspondence between the charge d'affaires of Austria and
the Secretary of State, which is herewith transmitted. The principles and
policy therein maintained on the part of the United States will, whenever a
proper occasion occurs, be applied and enforced.
The condition of China at this time renders it probable that some important
changes will occur in that vast Empire which will lead to a more
unrestricted intercourse with it. The commissioner to that country who has
been recently appointed is instructed to avail himself of all occasions to
open and extend our commercial relations, not only with the Empire of
China, but with other Asiatic nations.
In 1852 an expedition was sent to Japan, under the command of Commodore
Perry, for the purpose of opening commercial intercourse with that Empire.
Intelligence has been received of his arrival there and of his having made
known to the Emperor of Japan the object of his visit. But it is not yet
ascertained how far the Emperor will be disposed to abandon his restrictive
policy and open that populous country to a commercial intercourse with the
United States.
It has been my earnest desire to maintain friendly intercourse with the
Governments upon this continent and to aid them in preserving good
understanding among themselves. With Mexico a dispute has arisen as to the
true boundary line between our Territory of New Mexico and the Mexican
State of Chihuahua. A former commissioner of the United States, employed in
running that line pursuant to the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, made a
serious mistake in determining the initial point on the Rio Grande; but
inasmuch as his decision was clearly a departure from the directions for
tracing the boundary contained in that treaty, and was not concurred in by
the surveyor appointed on the part of the United States, whose concurrence
was necessary to give validity to that decision, this Government is not
concluded thereby; but that of Mexico takes a different view of the
subject.
There are also other questions of considerable magnitude pending between
the two Republics. Our minister in Mexico has ample instructions to adjust
them. Negotiations have been opened, but sufficient progress has not been
made therein to enable me to speak of the probable result. Impressed with
the importance of maintaining amicable relations with that Republic and of
yielding with liberality to all her just claims, it is reasonable to expect
that an arrangement mutually satisfactory to both countries may be
concluded and a lasting friendship between them confirmed and perpetuated.
Congress having provided for a full mission to the States of Central
America, a minister was sent thither in July last. As yet he has had time
to visit only one of these States (Nicaragua), where he was received in the
most friendly manner. It is hoped that his presence and good offices will
have a benign effect in composing the dissensions which prevail among them,
and in establishing still more intimate and friendly relations between them
respectively and between each of them and the United States.
Considering the vast regions of this continent and the number of states
which would be made accessible by the free navigation of the river Amazon,
particular attention has been given to this subject. Brazil, through whose
territories it passes into the ocean, has hitherto persisted in a policy so
restricted in regard to the use of this river as to obstruct and nearly
exclude foreign commercial intercourse with the States which lie upon its
tributaries and upper branches. Our minister to that country is instructed
to obtain a relaxation of that policy and to use his efforts to induce the
Brazilian Government to open to common use, under proper safeguards, this
great natural highway for international trade. Several of the South
American States are deeply interested in this attempt to secure the free
navigation of the Amazon, and it is reasonable to expect their cooperation
in the measure. As the advantages of free commercial intercourse among
nations are better understood, more liberal views are generally entertained
as to the common rights of all to the free use of those means which nature
has provided for international communication. To these more liberal and
enlightened views it is hoped that Brazil will conform her policy and
remove all unnecessary restrictions upon the free use of a river which
traverses so many states and so large a part of the continent. I am happy
to inform you that the Republic of Paraguay and the Argentine Confederation
have yielded to the liberal policy still resisted by Brazil in regard to
the navigable rivers within their respective territories. Treaties
embracing this subject, among others, have been negotiated with these
Governments, which will be submitted to the Senate at the present session.
A new branch of commerce, important to the agricultural interests of the
United States, has within a few years past been opened with Peru.
Notwithstanding the inexhaustible deposits of guano upon the islands of
that country, considerable difficulties are experienced in obtaining the
requisite supply. Measures have been taken to remove these difficulties and
to secure a more abundant importation of the article. Unfortunately, there
has been a serious collision between our citizens who have resorted to the
Chincha Islands for it and the Peruvian authorities stationed there.
Redress for the outrages committed by the latter was promptly demanded by
our minister at Lima. This subject is now under consideration, and there is
reason to believe that Peru is disposed to offer adequate indemnity to the
aggrieved parties. We are thus not only at peace with all foreign
countries, but, in regard to political affairs, are exempt from any cause
of serious disquietude in our domestic relations.
The controversies which have agitated the country heretofore are passing
away with the causes which produced them and the passions which they had
awakened; or, if any trace of them remains, it may be reasonably hoped that
it will only be perceived in the zealous rivalry of all good citizens to
testify their respect for the rights of the States, their devotion to the
Union, and their common determination that each one of the States, its
institutions, its welfare, and its domestic peace, shall be held alike
secure under the sacred aegis of the Constitution. This new league of amity
and of mutual confidence and support into which the people of the Republic
have entered happily affords inducement and opportunity for the adoption of
a more comprehensive and unembarrassed line of policy and action as to the
great material interests of the country, whether regarded in themselves or
in connection with the powers of the civilized world.
The United States have continued gradually and steadily to expand through
acquisitions of territory, which, how much soever some of them may have
been questioned, are now universally seen and admitted to have been wise in
policy, just in character, and a great element in the advancement of our
country, and with it of the human race, in freedom, in prosperity, and in
happiness. The thirteen States have grown to be thirty-one, with relations
reaching to Europe on the one side and on the other to the distant realms
of Asia.
I am deeply sensible of the immense responsibility which the present
magnitude of the Republic and the diversity and multiplicity of its
interests devolves upon me, the alleviation of which so far as relates to
the immediate conduct of the public business, is, first, in my reliance on
the wisdom and patriotism of the two Houses of Congress, and, secondly, in
the directions afforded me by the principles of public polity affirmed by
our fathers of the epoch of 1798, sanctioned by long experience, and
consecrated anew by the overwhelming voice of the people of the United
States.
Recurring to these principles, which constitute the organic basis of union,
we perceive that vast as are the functions and the duties of the Federal
Government, vested in or intrusted to its three great departments--the
legislative, executive, and judicial--yet the substantive power, the
popular force, and the large capacities for social and material development
exist in the respective States, which, all being of themselves
well-constituted republics, as they preceded so they alone are capable of
maintaining and perpetuating the American Union. The Federal Government has
its appropriate line of action in the specific and limited powers conferred
on it by the Constitution, chiefly as to those things in which the States
have a common interest in their relations to one another and to foreign
governments, while the great mass of interests which belong to cultivated
men--the ordinary business of life, the springs of industry, all the
diversified personal and domestic affairs of society--rest securely upon
the general reserved powers of the people of the several States. There is
the effective democracy of the nation, and there the vital essence of its
being and its greatness.
Of the practical consequences which flow from the nature of the Federal
Government, the primary one is the duty of administering with integrity and
fidelity the high trust reposed in it by the Constitution, especially in
the application of the public funds as drawn by taxation from the people
and appropriated to specific objects by Congress.
Happily, I have no occasion to suggest any radical changes in the financial
policy of the Government. Ours is almost, if not absolutely, the solitary
power of Christendom having a surplus revenue drawn immediately from
imposts on commerce, and therefore measured by the spontaneous enterprise
and national prosperity of the country, with such indirect relation to
agriculture, manufactures, and the products of the earth and sea as to
violate no constitutional doctrine and yet vigorously promote the general
welfare. Neither as to the sources of the public treasure nor as to the
manner of keeping and managing it does any grave controversy now prevail,
there being a general acquiescence in the wisdom of the present system.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will exhibit in detail the
state of the public finances and the condition of the various branches of
the public service administered by that Department of the Government.
The revenue of the country, levied almost insensibly to the taxpayer, goes
on from year to year, increasing beyond either the interests or the
prospective wants of the Government.
At the close of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1852, there remained in the
Treasury a balance of $14,632,136. The public revenue for the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1853, amounted to $58,931,865 from customs and to
$2,405,708 from public lands and other miscellaneous sources, amounting
together to $61,337,574, while the public expenditures for the same period,
exclusive of payments on account of the public debt, amounted to
$43,554,262, leaving a balance of $32,425,447 of receipts above
expenditures.
This fact of increasing surplus in the Treasury became the subject of
anxious consideration at a very early period of my Administration, and the
path of duty in regard to it seemed to me obvious and clear, namely: First,
to apply the surplus revenue to the discharge of the public debt so far as
it could judiciously be done, and, secondly, to devise means for the
gradual reduction of the revenue to the standard of the public exigencies.
Of these objects the first has been in the course of accomplishment in a
manner and to a degree highly satisfactory. The amount of the public debt
of all classes was on the 4th of March, 1853, $69,190,037, payments on
account of which have been made since that period to the amount of
$12,703,329, leaving unpaid and in continuous course of liquidation the sum
of $56,486,708. These payments, although made at the market price of the
respective classes of stocks, have been effected readily and to the general
advantage of the Treasury, and have at the same time proved of signal
utility in the relief they have incidentally afforded to the money market
and to the industrial and commercial pursuits of the country.
The second of the above-mentioned objects, that of the reduction of the
tariff, is of great importance, and the plan suggested by the Secretary of
the Treasury, which is to reduce the duties on certain articles and to add
to the free list many articles now taxed, and especially such as enter into
manufactures and are not largely, or at all, produced in the country, is
commended to your candid and careful consideration.
You will find in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, also,
abundant proof of the entire adequacy of the present fiscal system to meet
all the requirements of the public service, and that, while properly
administered, it operates to the advantage of the community in ordinary
business relations.
I respectfully ask your attention to sundry suggestions of improvements in
the settlement of accounts, especially as regards the large sums of
outstanding arrears due to the Government, and of other reforms in the
administrative action of his Department which are indicated by the
Secretary; as also to the progress made in the construction of marine
hospitals, custom-houses, and of a new mint in California and assay office
in the city of New York, heretofore provided for by Congress, and also to
the eminently successful progress of the Coast Survey and of the Light
House Board.
Among the objects meriting your attention will be important recommendations
from the Secretaries of War and Navy. I am fully satisfied that the Navy of
the United States is not in a condition of strength and efficiency
commensurate with the magnitude of our commercial and other interests, and
commend to your especial attention the suggestions on this subject made by
the Secretary of the Navy. I respectfully submit that the Army, which under
our system must always be regarded with the highest interest as a nucleus
around which the volunteer forces of the nation gather in the hour of
danger, requires augmentation, or modification, to adapt it to the present
extended limits and frontier relations of the country and the condition of
the Indian tribes in the interior of the continent, the necessity of which
will appear in the communications of the Secretaries of War and the
Interior.
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