The Wars of the Jews or History of the Destruction of Jerusalem

F >> Flavius Josephus >> The Wars of the Jews or History of the Destruction of Jerusalem

Pages:
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30 | 31 | 32 | 33 | 34 | 35 | 36 | 37 | 38

3. Hereupon the men of power got together, and conferred with the
high priests, as did also the principal of the Pharisees; and
thinking all was at stake, and that their calamities were
becoming incurable, took counsel what was to be done.
Accordingly, they determined to try what they could do with the
seditious by words, and assembled the people before the brazen
gate, which was that gate of the inner temple [court of the
priests] which looked toward the sun-rising. And, in the first
place, they showed the great indignation they had at this attempt
for a revolt, and for their bringing so great a war upon their
country; after which they confuted their pretense as
unjustifiable, and told them that their forefathers had adorned
their temple in great part with donations bestowed on them by
foreigners, and had always received what had been presented to
them from foreign nations; and that they had been so far from
rejecting any person's sacrifice (which would be the highest
instance of impiety,) that they had themselves placed those
donation about the temple which were still visible, and had
remained there so long a time; that they did now irritate the
Romans to take arms against them, and invited them to make war
upon them, and brought up novel rules of a strange Divine
worship, and determined to run the hazard of having their city
condemned for impiety, while they would not allow any foreigner,
but Jews only, either to sacrifice or to worship therein. And if
such a law should be introduced in the case of a single private
person only, he would have indignation at it, as an instance of
inhumanity determined against him; while they have no regard to
the Romans or to Caesar, and forbid even their oblations to be
received also; that however they cannot but fear, lest, by thus
rejecting their sacrifices, they shall not be allowed to offer
their own; and that this city will lose its principality, unless
they grow wiser quickly, and restore the sacrifices as formerly,
and indeed amend the injury [they have offered foreigners] before
the report of it comes to the ears of those that have been
injured.

4. And as they said these things, they produced those priests
that were skillful in the customs of their country, who made the
report that all their forefathers had received the sacrifices
from foreign nations. But still not one of the innovators would
hearken to what was said; nay, those that ministered about the
temple would not attend their Divine service, but were preparing
matters for beginning the war. So the men of power perceiving
that the sedition was too hard for them to subdue, and that the
danger which would arise from the Romans would come upon them
first of all, endeavored to save themselves, and sent
ambassadors, some to Florus, the chief of which was Simon the son
of Ananias; and others to Agrippa, among whom the most eminent
were Saul, and Antipas, and Costobarus, who were of the king's
kindred; and they desired of them both that they would come with
an army to the city, and cut off the seditious before it should
be too hard to be subdued. Now this terrible message was good
news to Florus; and because his design was to have a war kindled,
he gave the ambassadors no answer at all. But Agrippa was equally
solicitous for those that were revolting, and for those against
whom the war was to be made, and was desirous to preserve the
Jews for the Romans, and the temple and metropolis for the Jews;
he was also sensible that it was not for his own advantage that
the disturbances should proceed; so he sent three thousand
horsemen to the assistance of the people out of Auranitis, and
Batanea, and Trachonitis, and these under Darius, the master of
his horse, and Philip the son of Jacimus, the general of his
army.

5. Upon this the men of power, with the high priests, as also all
the part of the multitude that were desirous of peace, took
courage, and seized upon the upper city [Mount Sion;] for the
seditious part had the lower city and the temple in their power;
so they made use of stones and slings perpetually against one
another, and threw darts continually on both sides; and sometimes
it happened that they made incursions by troops, and fought it
out hand to hand, while the seditious were superior in boldness,
but the king's soldiers in skill. These last strove chiefly to
gain the temple, and to drive those out of it who profaned it; as
did the seditious, with Eleazar, besides what they had already,
labor to gain the upper city. Thus were there perpetual
slaughters on both sides for seven days' time; but neither side
would yield up the parts they had seized on.

6. Now the next day was the festival of Xylophory; upon which the
custom was for every one to bring wood for the altar (that there
might never be a want of fuel for that fire which was
unquenchable and always burning). Upon that day they excluded the
opposite party from the observation of this part of religion. And
when they had joined to themselves many of the Sicarii, who
crowded in among the weaker people, (that was the name for such
robbers as had under their bosoms swords called Sicae,) they grew
bolder, and carried their undertaking further; insomuch that the
king's soldiers were overpowered by their multitude and boldness;
and so they gave way, and were driven out of the upper city by
force. The others then set fire to the house of Ananias the high
priest, and to the palaces of Agrippa and Bernice; after which
they carried the fire to the place where the archives were
reposited, and made haste to burn the contracts belonging to
their creditors, and thereby to dissolve their obligations for
paying their debts; and this was done in order to gain the
multitude of those who had been debtors, and that they might
persuade the poorer sort to join in their insurrection with
safety against the more wealthy; so the keepers of the records
fled away, and the rest set fire to them. And when they had thus
burnt down the nerves of the city, they fell upon their enemies;
at which time some of the men of power, and of the high priests,
went into the vaults under ground, and concealed themselves,
while others fled with the king's soldiers to the upper palace,
and shut the gates immediately; among whom were Ananias the high
priest, and the ambassadors that had been sent to Agrippa. And
now the seditious were contented with the victory they had
gotten, and the buildings they had burnt down, and proceeded no
further.

7. But on the next day, which was the fifteenth of the month
Lous, [Ab,] they made an assault upon Antonia, and besieged the
garrison which was in it two days, and then took the garrison,
and slew them, and set the citadel on fire; after which they
marched to the palace, whither the king's soldiers were fled, and
parted themselves into four bodies, and made an attack upon the
walls. As for those that were within it, no one had the courage
to sally out, because those that assaulted them were so numerous;
but they distributed themselves into the breast-works and
turrets, and shot at the besiegers, whereby many of the robbers
fell under the walls; nor did they cease to fight one with
another either by night or by day, while the seditious supposed
that those within would grow weary for want of food, and those
without supposed the others would do the like by the tediousness
of the siege.

8. In the mean time, one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was
called the Galilean, (who was a very cunning sophister, and had
formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius, that after God they
were subject to the Romans,) took some of the men of note with
him, and retired to Masada, where he broke open king Herod's
armory, and gave arms not only to his own people, but to other
robbers also. These he made use of for a guard, and returned in
the state of a king to Jerusalem; he became the leader of the
sedition, and gave orders for continuing the siege; but they
wanted proper instruments, and it was not practicable to
undermine the wall, because the darts came down upon them from
above. But still they dug a mine from a great distance under one
of the towers, and made it totter; and having done that, they set
on fire what was combustible, and left it; and when the
foundations were burnt below, the tower fell down suddenly. Yet
did they then meet with another wall that had been built within,
for the besieged were sensible beforehand of what they were
doing, and probably the tower shook as it was undermining; so
they provided themselves of another fortification; which when the
besiegers unexpectedly saw, while they thought they had already
gained the place, they were under some consternation. However,
those that were within sent to Manahem, and to the other leaders
of the sedition, and desired they might go out upon a
capitulation: this was granted to the king's soldiers and their
own countrymen only, who went out accordingly; but the Romans
that were left alone were greatly dejected, for they were not
able to force their way through such a multitude; and to desire
them to give them their right hand for their security, they
thought it would be a reproach to them; and besides, if they
should give it them, they durst not depend upon it; so they
deserted their camp, as easily taken, and ran away to the royal
towers, - that called Hippicus, that called Phasaelus, and that
called Mariamne. But Manahem and his party fell upon the place
whence the soldiers were fled, and slew as many of them as they
could catch, before they got up to the towers, and plundered what
they left behind them, and set fire to their camp. This was
executed on the sixth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul].

9. But on the next day the high priest was caught where he had
concealed himself in an aqueduct; he was slain, together with
Hezekiah his brother, by the robbers: hereupon the seditious
besieged the towers, and kept them guarded, lest any one of the
soldiers should escape. Now the overthrow of the places of
strength, and the death of the high priest Ananias, so puffed up
Manahem, that he became barbarously cruel; and as he thought he
had no antagonist to dispute the management of affairs with him,
he was no better than an insupportable tyrant; but Eleazar and
his party, when words had passed between them, how it was not
proper when they revolted from the Romans, out of the desire of
liberty, to betray that liberty to any of their own people, and
to bear a lord, who, though he should be guilty of no violence,
was yet meaner than themselves; as also, that in case they were
obliged to set some one over their public affairs, it was fitter
they should give that privilege to any one rather than to him;
they made an assault upon him in the temple; for he went up
thither to worship in a pompous manner, and adorned with royal
garments, and had his followers with him in their armor. But
Eleazar and his party fell violently upon him, as did also the
rest of the people; and taking up stones to attack him withal,
they threw them at the sophister, and thought, that if he were
once ruined, the entire sedition would fall to the ground. Now
Manahem and his party made resistance for a while; but when they
perceived that the whole multitude were falling upon them, they
fled which way every one was able; those that were caught were
slain, and those that hid themselves were searched for. A few
there were of them who privately escaped to Masada, among whom
was Eleazar, the son of Jairus, who was of kin to Manahem, and
acted the part of a tyrant at Masada afterward. As for Manahem
himself, he ran away to the place called Ophla, and there lay
skulking in private; but they took him alive, and drew him out
before them all; they then tortured him with many sorts of
torments, and after all slew him, as they did by those that were
captains under him also, and particularly by the principal
instrument of his tyranny, whose name was Apsalom.

10. And, as I said, so far truly the people assisted them, while
they hoped this might afford some amendment to the seditious
practices; but the others were not in haste to put an end to the
war, but hoped to prosecute it with less danger, now they had
slain Manahem. It is true, that when the people earnestly desired
that they would leave off besieging the soldiers, they were the
more earnest in pressing it forward, and this till Metilius, who
was the Roman general, sent to Eleazar, and desired that they
would. give them security to spare their lives only; but agreed
to deliver up their arms, and what else they had with them. The
others readily complied with their petition, sent to them Gorion,
the son of Nicodemus, and Ananias, the son of Sadduk, and Judas,
the son of Jonathan, that they might give them the security Of
their right hands, and of their oaths; after which Metilius
brought down his soldiers; which soldiers, while they were in
arms, were not meddled with by any of the seditious, nor was
there any appearance of treachery; but as soon as, according to
the articles of capitulation, they had all laid down their
shields and their swords, and were under no further suspicion of
any harm, but were going away, Eleazar's men attacked them after
a violent manner, and encompassed them round, and slew them,
while they neither defended themselves, nor entreated for mercy,
but only cried out upon the breach of their articles of
capitulation and their oaths. And thus were all these men
barbarously murdered, excepting Metilius; for when he entreated
for mercy, and promised that he would turn Jew, and be
circumcised, they saved him alive, but none else. This loss to
the Romans was but light, there being no more than a few slain
out of an immense army; but still it appeared to be a prelude to
the Jews' own destruction, while men made public lamentation when
they saw that such occasions were afforded for a war as were
incurable; that the city was all over polluted with such
abominations, from which it was but reasonable to expect some
vengeance, even though they should escape revenge from the
Romans; so that the city was filled with sadness, and every one
of the moderate men in it were under great disturbance, as likely
themselves to undergo punishment for the wickedness of the
seditious; for indeed it so happened that this murder was
perpetrated on the sabbath day, on which day the Jews have a
respite from their works on account of Divine worship.

CHAPTER 18.

The Calamities And Slaughters That Came Upon The Jews.

1. Now the people of Cesarea had slain the Jews that were among
them on the very same day and hour [when the soldiers were
slain], which one would think must have come to pass by the
direction of Providence; insomuch that in one hour's time above
twenty thousand Jews were killed, and all Cesarea was emptied of
its Jewish inhabitants; for Florus caught such as ran away, and
sent them in bonds to the galleys. Upon which stroke that the
Jews received at Cesarea, the whole nation was greatly enraged;
so they divided themselves into several parties, and laid waste
the villages of the Syrians, and their neighboring cities,
Philadelphia, and Sebonitis, and Gerasa, and Pella, and
Scythopolis, and after them Gadara, and Hippos; and falling upon
Gaulonitis, some cities they destroyed there, and some they set
on fire, and then went to Kedasa, belonging to the Tyrians, and
to Ptolemais, and to Gaba, and to Cesarea; nor was either Sebaste
[Samaria] or Askelon able to oppose the violence with which they
were attacked; and when they had burnt these to the ground; they
entirely demolished Anthedon and Gaza; many also of the villages
that were about every one of those cities were plundered, and an
immense slaughter was made of the men who were caught in them.

2. However, the Syrians were even with the Jews in the multitude
of the men whom they slew; for they killed those whom they caught
in their cities, and that not only out of the hatred they bare
them, as formerly, but to prevent the danger under which they
were from them; so that the disorders in all Syria were terrible,
and every city was divided into two armies, encamped one against
another, and the preservation of the one party was in the
destruction of the other; so the day time was spent in shedding
of blood, and the night in fear, which was of the two the more
terrible; for when the Syrians thought they had ruined the Jews,
they had the Judaizers in suspicion also; and as each side did
not care to slay those whom they only suspected on the other, so
did they greatly fear them when they were mingled with the other,
as if they were certainly foreigners. Moreover, greediness of
gain was a provocation to kill the opposite party, even to such
as had of old appeared very mild and gentle towards them; for
they without fear plundered the effects of the slain, and carried
off the spoils of those whom they slew to their own houses, as if
they had been gained in a set battle; and he was esteemed a man
of honor who got the greatest share, as having prevailed over the
greatest number of his enemies. It was then common to see cities
filled with dead bodies, still lying unburied, and those of old
men, mixed with infants, all dead, and scattered about together;
women also lay amongst them, without any covering for their
nakedness: you might then see the whole province full of
inexpressible calamities, while the dread of still more barbarous
practices which were threatened was every where greater than what
had been already perpetrated.

3. And thus far the conflict had been between Jews and
foreigners; but when they made excursions to Scythopolis, they
found Jew that acted as enemies; for as they stood in
battle-array with those of Scythopolis, and preferred their own
safety before their relation to us, they fought against their own
countrymen; nay, their alacrity was so very great, that those of
Scythopolis suspected them. These were afraid, therefore, lest
they should make an assault upon the city in the night time, and,
to their great misfortune, should thereby make an apology for
themselves to their own people for their revolt from them. So
they commanded them, that in case they would confirm their
agreement and demonstrate their fidelity to them, who were of a
different nation, they should go out of the city, with their
families to a neighboring grove; and when they had done as they
were commanded, without suspecting any thing, the people of
Scythopolis lay still for the interval of two days, to tempt them
to be secure; but on the third night they watched their
opportunity, and cut all their throats, some as they lay
unguarded, and some as they lay asleep. The number that was slain
was above thirteen thousand, and then they plundered them of all
that they had.

4. It will deserve our relation what befell Simon; he was the son
of one Saul, a man of reputation among the Jews. This man was
distinguished from the rest by the strength of his body, and the
boldness of his conduct, although he abused them both to the
mischieving of his countrymen; for he came every day and slew a
great many of the Jews of Scythopolis, and he frequently put them
to flight, and became himself alone the cause of his army's
conquering. But a just punishment overtook him for the murders he
had committed upon those of the same nation with him; for when
the people of Scythopolis threw their darts at them in the grove,
he drew his sword, but did not attack any of the enemy; for he
saw that he could do nothing against such a multitude; but he
cried out after a very moving manner, and said, "O you people of
Scythopolis, I deservedly suffer for what I have done with
relation to you, when I gave you such security of my fidelity to
you, by slaying so many of those that were related to me.
Wherefore we very justly experience the perfidiousness of
foreigners, while we acted after a most wicked manner against our
own nation. I will therefore die, polluted wretch as I am, by
nine own hands; for it is not fit I should die by the hand of our
enemies; and let the same action be to me both a punishment for
my great crimes, and a testimony of my courage to my
commendation, that so no one of our enemies may have it to brag
of, that he it was that slew me, and no one may insult upon me as
I fall." Now when he had said this, he looked round about him
upon his family with eyes of commiseration and of rage (that
family consisted of a wife and children, and his aged parents);
so, in the first place, he caught his father by his grey hairs,
and ran his sword through him, and after him he did the same to
his mother, who willingly received it; and after them he did the
like to his wife and children, every one almost offering
themselves to his sword, as desirous to prevent being slain by
their enemies; so when he had gone over all his family, he stood
upon their bodies to be seen by all, and stretching out his right
hand, that his action might be observed by all, he sheathed his
entire sword into his own bowels. This young man was to be
pitied, on account of the strength of his body and the courage of
his soul; but since he had assured foreigners of his fidelity
[against his own countrymen], he suffered deservedly.

5. Besides this murder at Scythopolis, the other cities rose up
against the Jews that were among them; those of Askelon slew two
thousand five hundred, and those of Ptolemais two thousand, and
put not a few into bonds; those of Tyre also put a great number
to death, but kept a greater number in prison; moreover, those of
Hippos, and those of Gadara, did the like while they put to death
the boldest of the Jews, but kept those of whom they were afraid
in custody; as did the rest of the cities of Syria, according as
they every one either hated them or were afraid of them; only the
Antiochtans the Sidontans, and Apamians spared those that dwelt
with them, and would not endure either to kill any of the Jews,
or to put them in bonds. And perhaps they spared them, because
their own number was so great that they despised their attempts.
But I think the greatest part of this favor was owing to their
commiseration of those whom they saw to make no innovations. As
for the Gerasans, they did no harm to those that abode with them;
and for those who had a mind to go away, they conducted them as
far as their borders reached.

6. There was also a plot laid against the Jews in Agrippa's
kingdom; for he was himself gone to Cestius Gallus, to Antioch,
but had left one of his companions, whose name was Noarus, to
take care of the public affairs; which Noarus was of kin to king
Sohemus. (26) Now there came certain men seventy in number, out
of Batanea, who were the most considerable for their families and
prudence of the rest of the people; these desired to have an army
put into their hands, that if any tumult should happen, they
might have about them a guard sufficient to restrain such as
might rise up against them. This Noarus sent out some of the
king's armed men by night, and slew all those [seventy] men;
which bold action he ventured upon without the consent of
Agrippa, and was such a lover of money, that he chose to be so
wicked to his own countrymen, though he brought ruin on the
kingdom thereby; and thus cruelly did he treat that nation, and
this contrary to the laws also, until Agrippa was informed of it,
who did not indeed dare to put him to death, out of regard to
Sohemus; but still he put an end to his procuratorship
immediately. But as to the seditious, they took the citadel which
was called Cypros, and was above Jericho, and cut the throats of
the garrison, and utterly demolished the fortifications. This was
about the same time that the multitude of the Jews that were at
Machorus persuaded the Romans who were in garrison to leave the
place, and deliver it up to them. These Romans being in great
fear, lest the place should be taken by force, made an agreement
with them to depart upon certain conditions; and when they had
obtained the security they desired, they delivered up the
citadel, into which the people of Macherus put a garrison for
their own security, and held it in their own power.

7. But for Alexandria, the sedition of the people of the place
against the Jews was perpetual, and this from that very time when
Alexander [the Great], upon finding the readiness of the Jews in
assisting him against the Egyptians, and as a reward for such
their assistance, gave them equal privileges in this city with
the Grecians themselves; which honorary reward Continued among
them under his successors, who also set apart for them a
particular place, that they might live without being polluted [by
the Gentiles], and were thereby not so much intermixed with
foreigners as before; they also gave them this further privilege,
that they should be called Macedonians. Nay, when the Romans got
possession of Egypt, neither the first Caesar, nor any one that
came after him, thought of diminishing the honors which Alexander
had bestowed on the Jews. But still conflicts perpetually arose
with the Grecians; and although the governors did every day
punish many of them, yet did the sedition grow worse; but at this
time especially, when there were tumults in other places also,
the disorders among them were put into a greater flame; for when
the Alexandrians had once a public assembly, to deliberate about
an embassage they were sending to Nero, a great number of Jews
came flocking to the theater; but when their adversaries saw
them, they immediately cried out, and called them their enemies,
and said they came as spies upon them; upon which they rushed
out, and laid violent hands upon them; and as for the rest, they
were slain as they ran away; but there were three men whom they
caught, and hauled them along, in order to have them burnt alive;
but all the Jews came in a body to defend them, who at first
threw stones at the Grecians, but after that they took lamps, and
rushed with violence into the theater, and threatened that they
would burn the people to a man; and this they had soon done,
unless Tiberius Alexander, the governor of the city, had
restrained their passions. However, this man did not begin to
teach them wisdom by arms, but sent among them privately some of
the principal men, and thereby entreated them to be quiet, and
not provoke the Roman army against them; but the seditious made a
jest of the entreaties of Tiberius, and reproached him for so
doing.

Pages:
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30 | 31 | 32 | 33 | 34 | 35 | 36 | 37 | 38