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The Antiquities of the Jews

F >> Flavius Josephus >> The Antiquities of the Jews




CHAPTER 5.

How Herod Celebrated The Games That Were To Return Every Fifth
Year Upon The Building Of Cesarea; And How He Built And Adorned
Many Other Places After A Magnificent Manner; And Did Many Other
Actions Gloriously

1. About this time it was that Cesarea Sebaste, which he had
built, was finished. The entire building being accomplished: in
the tenth year, the solemnity of it fell into the twenty-eighth
year of Herod's reign, and into the hundred and ninety-second
olympiad. There was accordingly a great festival and most
sumptuous preparations made presently, in order to its
dedication; for he had appointed a contention in music, and games
to be performed naked. He had also gotten ready a great number of
those that fight single combats, and of beasts for the like
purpose; horse races also, and the most chargeable of such sports
and shows as used to be exhibited at Rome, and in other places.
He consecrated this combat to Caesar, and ordered it to be
celebrated every fifth year. He also sent all sorts of ornaments
for it out of his own furniture, that it might want nothing to
make it decent; nay, Julia, Caesar's wife, sent a great part of
her most valuable furniture [from Rome], insomuch that he had no
want of any thing. The sum of them all was estimated at five
hundred talents. Now when a great multitude was come to that city
to see the shows, as well as the ambassadors whom other people
sent, on account of the benefits they had received from Herod, he
entertained them all in the public inns, and at public tables,
and with perpetual feasts; this solemnity having in the day time
the diversions of the fights, and in the night time such merry
meetings as cost vast sums of money, and publicly demonstrated
the generosity of his soul; for in all his undertakings he was
ambitious to exhibit what exceeded whatsoever had been done
before of the same kind. And it is related that Caesar and
Agrippa often said, that the dominions of Herod were too little
for the greatness of his soul; for that he deserved to have both
all the kingdom of Syria, and that of Egypt also.

2. After this solemnity and these festivals were over, Herod
erected another city in the plain called Capharsaba, where he
chose out a fit place, both for plenty of water and goodness of
soil, and proper for the production of what was there planted,
where a river encompassed the city itself, and a grove of the
best trees for magnitude was round about it: this he named
Antipatris, from his father Antipater. He also built upon another
spot of ground above Jericho, of the same name with his mother, a
place of great security and very pleasant for habitation, and
called it Cypros. He also dedicated the finest monuments to his
brother Phasaelus, on account of the great natural affection
there had been between them, by erecting a tower in the city
itself, not less than the tower of Pharos, which he named
Phasaelus, which was at once a part of the strong defenses of the
city, and a memorial for him that was deceased, because it bare
his name. He also built a city of the same name in the valley of
Jericho, as you go from it northward, whereby he rendered the
neighboring country more fruitful by the cultivation its
inhabitants introduced; and this also he called Phasaelus.

3. But as for his other benefits, it is impossible to reckon them
up, those which he bestowed on cities, both in Syria and in
Greece, and in all the places he came to in his voyages; for he
seems to have conferred, and that after a most plentiful manner,
what would minister to many necessities, and the building of
public works, and gave them the money that was necessary to such
works as wanted it, to support them upon the failure of their
other revenues: but what was the greatest and most illustrious of
all his works, he erected Apollo's temple at Rhodes, at his own
expenses, and gave them a great number of talents of silver for
the repair of their fleet. He also built the greatest part of the
public edifices for the inhabitants of Nicopolis, at Actium; (6)
and for the Antiochinus, the inhabitants of the principal city of
Syria, where a broad street cuts through the place lengthways, he
built cloisters along it on both sides, and laid the open road
with polished stone, and was of very great advantage to the
inhabitants. And as to the olympic games, which were in a very
low condition, by reason of the failure of their revenues, he
recovered their reputation, and appointed revenues for heir
maintenance, and made that solemn meeting more venerable, as to
the sacrifices and other ornaments; and by reason of this vast
liberality, he was generally declared in their inscriptions to be
one of the perpetual managers of those games.

4. Now some there are who stand amazed at the diversity of
Herod's nature and purposes; for when we have respect to his
magnificence, and the benefits which he bestowed on all mankind,
there is no possibility for even those that had the least respect
for him to deny, or not openly to confess, that he had a nature
vastly beneficent; but when any one looks upon the punishments he
inflicted, and the injuries he did, not only to his subjects, but
to his nearest relations, and takes notice of his severe and
unrelenting disposition there, he will be forced to allow that he
was brutish, and a stranger to all humanity; insomuch that these
men suppose his nature to be different, and sometimes at
contradiction with itself; but I am myself of another opinion,
and imagine that the occasion of both these sort of actions was
one and the same; for being a man ambitious of honor, and quite
overcome by that passion, he was induced to be magnificent,
wherever there appeared any hopes of a future memorial, or of
reputation at present; and as his expenses were beyond his
abilities, he was necessitated to be harsh to his subjects; for
the persons on whom he expended his money were so many, that they
made him a very bad procurer of it; and because he was conscious
that he was hated by those under him, for the injuries he did
them, he thought it not an easy thing to amend his offenses, for
that it was inconvenient for his revenue; he therefore strove on
the other side to make their ill-will an occasion of his gains.
As to his own court, therefore, if any one was not very
obsequious to him in his language, and would not confess himself
to be his slave, or but seemed to think of any innovation in his
government, he was not able to contain himself, but prosecuted
his very kindred and friends, and punished them as if they were
enemies and this wickedness he undertook out of a desire that he
might be himself alone honored. Now for this, my assertion about
that passion of his, we have the greatest evidence, by what he
did to honor Caesar and Agrippa, and his other friends; for with
what honors he paid his respects to them who were his superiors,
the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and what he thought
the most excellent present he could make another, he discovered
an inclination to have the like presented to himself. But now the
Jewish nation is by their law a stranger to all such things, and
accustomed to prefer righteousness to glory; for which reason
that nation was not agreeable to him, because it was out of their
power to flatter the king's ambition with statues or temples, or
any other such performances; And this seems to me to have been at
once the occasion of Herod's crimes as to his own courtiers and
counselors, and of his benefactions as to foreigners and those
that had no relation to him.

CHAPTER 6.

An Embassage In Cyrene And Asia To Caesar, Concerning The
Complaints They Had To Make Against The Greeks; With Copies Of
The Epistles Which Caesar And Agrippa Wrote To The Cities For
Them.

1. Now the cities ill-treated the Jews in Asia, and all those
also of the same nation which lived ill Libya, which joins to
Cyrene, while the former kings had given them equal privileges
with the other citizens; but the Greeks affronted them at this
time, and that so far as to take away their sacred money, and to
do them mischief on other particular occasions. When therefore
they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous
treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors
to Caesar on those accounts, who gave them the same privileges as
they had before, and sent letters to the same purpose to the
governors of the provinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as
testimonials of the ancient favorable disposition the Roman
emperors had towards us.

2. "Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people,
ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found
grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time
past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father
(7) Caesar the emperor, it seemed good to me and my counselors,
according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that
the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according
to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under
Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their
sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that
it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and
that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the sabbath
day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth
hour. (8) But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or
their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public
school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods
shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. And I
give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on
account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all
mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together
with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place
which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at
Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above
decreed, he shall be severely punished." This was inscribed upon
a pillar in the temple of Caesar.

3. "Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews,
how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their
ancient custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the
same freely." These were the decrees of Caesar.

4. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on
behalf of the Jews: "Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and
people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care
and custody of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at
Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with it according to
their ancient custom; and that such as steal that sacred money of
the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence and
delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons
are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor,
that no one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the sabbath
day."

5. "Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, senate, and people of
Cyrene, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with
me for the performance of what Augustus sent orders about to
Flavius, the then praetor of Libya, and to the other procurators
of that province, that the sacred money may be sent to Jerusalem
freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers, they
complaining that they are abused by certain informers, and under
pretense of taxes which were not due, are hindered from sending
them, which I command to be restored without any diminution or
disturbance given to them. And if any of that sacred money in the
cities be taken from their proper receivers, I further enjoin,
that the same be exactly returned to the Jews in that place."

6. "Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the
Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and
commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be,
from assembling together according to the custom of their
forefathers, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have
therefore written to you, that you may know that both Caesar and
I would have you act accordingly."

7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. "To
the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth
greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of
February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that
Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and
customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one
of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to
carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without
disturbance. They also petitioned me that I also would confirm
what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction.
I would therefore have you take notice, that according to the
will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit them to use and do
according to the customs of their forefathers without
disturbance."

8. I have been obliged to set down these decree because the
present history of our own acts will go generally among the
Greeks; and I have hereby demonstrated to them that we have
formerly been in great esteem, and have not been prohibited by
those governors we were under from keeping any of the laws of our
forefathers; nay, that we have been supported by them, while we
followed our own religion, and the worship we paid to God; and I
frequently make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile
other people to us, and to take away the causes of that hatred
which unreasonable men bear to us. As for our customs (9) there
is no nation which always makes use of the same, and in every
city almost we meet with them different from one another; but
natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage of all men
equally, both Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws have the
greatest regard, and thereby render us, if we abide in them after
a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to all men; on which
account we have reason to expect the like return from others, and
to inform them that they ought not to esteem difference of
positive institutions a sufficient cause of alienation, but [join
with us in] the pursuit of virtue and probity, for this belongs
to all men in common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the
preservation of human life. I now return to the thread of my
history.

CHAPTER 7.

How, Upon Herod's Going Down Into David's Sepulcher, The Sedition
In His Family Greatly Increased.

1. As for Herod, he had spent vast sums about the cities, both
without and within his own kingdom; and as he had before heard
that Hyrcanus, who had been king before him, had opened David's
sepulcher, and taken out of it three thousand talents of silver,
and that there was a much greater number left behind, and indeed
enough to suffice all his wants, he had a great while an
intention to make the attempt; and at this time he opened that
sepulcher by night, and went into it, and endeavored that it
should not be at all known in the city, but took only his most
faithful friends with him. As for any money, he found none, as
Hyrcanus had done, but that furniture of gold, and those precious
goods that were laid up there; all which he took away. However,
he had a great desire to make a more diligent search, and to go
farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David and Solomon;
where two of his guards were slain, by a flame that burst out
upon those that went in, as the report was. So he was terribly
aftrighted, and went out, and built a propitiatory monument of
that fright he had been in; and this of white stone, at the mouth
of the sepulcher, and that at great expense also. And even
Nicolaus (10) his historiographer makes mention of this monument
built by Herod, though he does not mention his going down into
the sepulcher, as knowing that action to be of ill repute; and
many other things he treats of in the same manner in his book;
for he wrote in Herod's lifetime, and under his reign, and so as
to please him, and as a servant to him, touching upon nothing but
what tended to his glory, and openly excusing many of his
notorious crimes, and very diligently concealing them. And as he
was desirous to put handsome colors on the death of Mariamne and
her sons, which were barbarous actions in the king, he tells
falsehoods about the incontinence of Mariamne, and the
treacherous designs of his sons upon him; and thus he proceeded
in his whole work, making a pompous encomium upon what just
actions he had done, but earnestly apologizing for his unjust
ones. Indeed, a man, as I said, may have a great deal to say by
way of excuse for Nicolaus; for he did not so properly write this
as a history for others, as somewhat that might be subservient to
the king himself. As for ourselves, who come of a family nearly
allied to the Asamonean kings, and on that account have an
honorable place, which is the priesthood, we think it indecent to
say any thing that is false about them, and accordingly we have
described their actions after an unblemished and upright manner.
And although we reverence many of Herod's posterity, who still
reign, yet do we pay a greater regard to truth than to them, and
this though it sometimes happens that we incur their displeasure
by so doing.

2. And indeed Herod's troubles in his family seemed to be
augmented by reason of this attempt he made upon David's
sepulcher; whether Divine vengeance increased the calamities he
lay under, in order to render them incurable, or whether fortune
made an assault upon him, in those cases wherein the
seasonableness of the cause made it strongly believed that the
calamities came upon him for his impiety; for the tumult was like
a civil war in his palace, and their hatred towards one another
was like that where each one strove to exceed another in
calumnies. However, Antipater used stratagems perpetually against
his brethren, and that very cunningly; while abroad he loaded
them with accusations, but still took upon him frequently to
apologize for them, that this apparent benevolence to them might
make him be believed, and forward his attempts against them; by
which means he, after various manners, circumvented his father,
who believed all that he did was for his preservation. Herod also
recommended Ptolemy, who was a great director of the affairs of
his kingdom, to Antipater; and consulted with his mother about
the public affairs also. And indeed these were all in all, and
did what they pleased, and made the king angry against any other
persons, as they thought it might be to their own advantage; but
still the sons of Marianme were in a worse and worse condition
perpetually; and while they were thrust out, and set in a more
dishonorable rank, who yet by birth were the most noble, they
could not bear the dishonor. And for the women, Glaphyra,
Alexander's wife, the daughter of Archclaus, hated Salome, both
because of her love to her husband, and because Glaphyra seemed
to behave herself somewhat insolently towards Salome's daughter,
who was the wife of Aristobulus, which equality of hers to
herself Glaphyra took very impatiently.

3. Now, besides this second contention that had fallen among
them, neither did the king's brother Pheroras keep himself out of
trouble, but had a particular foundation for suspicion and
hatred; for he was overcome with the charms of his wife, to such
a degree of madness, that he despised the king's daughter, to
whom he had been betrothed, and wholly bent his mind to the
other, who had been but a servant. Herod also was grieved by the
dishonor that was done him, because he had bestowed many favors
upon him, and had advanced him to that height of power that he
was almost a partner with him in the kingdom, and saw that he had
not made him a due return for his labors, and esteemed himself
unhappy on that account. So upon Pheroras's unworthy refusal, he
gave the damsel to Phasaelus's son; but after some time, when he
thought the heat of his brother's affections was over, he blamed
him for his former conduct, and desired him to take his second
daughter, whose name was Cypros. Ptolemy also advised him to
leave off affronting his brother, and to forsake her whom he had
loved, for that it was a base thing to be so enamored of a
servant, as to deprive himself of the king's good-will to him,
and become an occasion of his trouble, and make himself hated by
him. Pheroras knew that this advice would be for his own
advantage, particularly because he had been accused before, and
forgiven; so he put his wife away, although he already had a son
by her, and engaged to the king that he would take his second
daughter, and agreed that the thirtieth day after should be the
day of marriage; and sware he would have no further conversation
with her whom he had put away; but when the thirty days were
over, he was such a slave to his affections, that he no longer
performed any thing he had promised, but continued still with his
former wife. This occasioned Herod to grieve openly, and made him
angry, while the king dropped one word or other against Pheroras
perpetually; and many made the king's anger an opportunity for
raising calumnies against him. Nor had the king any longer a
single quiet day or hour, but occasions of one fresh quarrel or
another arose among his relations, and those that were dearest to
him; for Salome was of a harsh temper, and ill-natured to
Mariamne's sons; nor would she suffer her own daughter, who was
the wife of Aristobulus, one of those young men, to bear a
good-will to her husband, but persuaded her to tell her if he
said any thing to her in private, and when any misunderstandings
happened, as is common, she raised a great many suspicions out of
it; by which means she learned all their concerns, and made the
damsel ill-natured to the young man. And in order to gratify her
mother, she often said that the young men used to mention
Mariamne when they were by themselves; and that they hated their
father, and were continually threatening, that if they had once
got the kingdom, they would make Herod's sons by his other wives
country schoolmasters, for that the present education which was
given them, and their diligence in learning, fitted them for such
an employment. And as for the women, whenever they saw them
adorned with their mother's clothes, they threatened, that
instead of their present gaudy apparel, they should be clothed in
sackcloth, and confined so closely that they should not see the
light of the sun. These stories were presently carried by Salome
to the king, who was troubled to hear them, and endeavored to
make up matters; but these suspicions afflicted him, and becoming
more and more uneasy, he believed every body against every body.
However, upon his rebuking his sons, and hearing the defense they
made for themselves, he was easier for a while, though a little
afterwards much worse accidents came upon him.

4. For Pheroras came to Alexander, the husband of Glaphyra, who
was the daughter of Archelaus, as we have already told you, and
said that he had heard from Salome that Herod has enamored on
Glaphyra, and that his passion for her was incurable. When
Alexander heard that, he was all on fire, from his youth and
jealousy; and he interpreted the instances of Herod's obliging
behavior to her, which were very frequent, for the worse, which
came from those suspicions he had on account of that word which
fell from Pheroras; nor could he conceal his grief at the thing,
but informed him what word: Pheroras had said. Upon which Herod
was in a greater disorder than ever; and not bearing such a false
calumny, which was to his shame, was much disturbed at it; and
often did he lament the wickedness of his domestics, and how good
he had been to them, and how ill requitals they had made him. So
he sent for Pheroras, and reproached him, and said, "Thou vilest
of all men! art thou come to that unmeasurable and extravagant
degree of ingratitude, as not only to suppose such things of me,
but to speak of them? I now indeed perceive what thy intentions
are. It is not thy only aim to reproach me, when thou usest such
words to my son, but thereby to persuade him to plot against me,
and get me destroyed by poison. And who is there, if he had not a
good genius at his elbow, as hath my son, but would not bear such
a suspicion of his father, but would revenge himself upon him?
Dost thou suppose that thou hast only dropped a word for him to
think of, and not rather hast put a sword into his hand to slay
his father? And what dost thou mean, when thou really hatest both
him and his brother, to pretend kindness to them, only in order
to raise a reproach against me, and talk of such things as no one
but such an impious wretch as thou art could either devise in
their mind, or declare in their words? Begone, thou art such a
plague to thy benefactor and thy brother, and may that evil
conscience of thine go along with thee; while I still overcome my
relations by kindness, and am so far from avenging myself of
them, as they deserve, that I bestow greater benefits upon them
than they are worthy of."

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