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State of the Union Addresses of Calvin Coolidge

C >> Calvin Coolidge >> State of the Union Addresses of Calvin Coolidge



This eBook was produced by James Linden.

The addresses are separated by three asterisks: ***

Dates of addresses by Calvin Coolidge in this eBook:
December 6, 1923
December 3, 1924
December 8, 1925
December 7, 1926
December 6, 1927
December 4, 1928



***

State of the Union Address
Calvin Coolidge
December 6, 1923

Since the close of the last Congress the Nation has lost President Harding
. The world knew his kindness and his humanity, his greatness and his
character. He has left his mark upon history. He has made justice more
certain and peace more secure. The surpassing tribute paid to his memory as
he was borne across the continent to rest at last at home revealed the
place lie held in the hearts of the American people. But this is not the
occasion for extended reference to the man or his work. In this presence,
among these who knew and loved him, that is unnecessary. But we who were
associated with him could not resume together the functions of our office
without pausing for a moment, and in his memory reconsecrating ourselves to
the service of our country. He is gone. We remain. It is our duty, under
the inspiration of his example, to take up the burdens which he was
permitted to lay down, and to develop and support the wise principles of
government which he represented.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS

For us peace reigns everywhere. We desire to perpetuate it always by
granting full justice to others and requiring of others full justice to
ourselves.

Our country has one cardinal principle to maintain in its foreign policy.
It is an American principle. It must be an American policy. We attend to
our own affairs, conserve our own strength, and protect the interests of
our own citizens; but we recognize thoroughly our obligation to help
others, reserving to the decision of our own Judgment the time, the place,
and the method. We realize the common bond of humanity. We know the
inescapable law of service.

Our country has definitely refused to adopt and ratify the covenant of the
League of Nations. We have not felt warranted in assuming the
responsibilities which its members have assumed. I am not proposing any
change in this policy; neither is the Senate. The incident, so far as we
are concerned, is closed. The League exists as a foreign agency. We hope it
will be helpful. But the United States sees no reason to limit its own
freedom and independence of action by joining it. We shall do well to
recognize this basic fact in all national affairs and govern ourselves
accordingly.

WORLD COURT

Our foreign policy has always been guided by two principles. The one is the
avoidance of permanent political alliances which would sacrifice our proper
independence. The other is the peaceful settlement of controversies between
nations. By example and by treaty we have advocated arbitration. For nearly
25 years we have been a member of The Hague Tribunal, and have long sought
the creation of a permanent World Court of Justice. I am in full accord
with both of these policies. I favor the establishment of such a court
intended to include the whole world. That is, and has long been, an
American policy.

Pending before the Senate is a proposal that this Government give its
support to the Permanent Court of International Justice, which is a new and
somewhat different plan. This is not a partisan question. It should not
assume an artificial importance. The court is merely a convenient
instrument of adjustment to ?which we could go, but to which we could not
be brought. It should be discussed with entire candor, not by a political
but by a judicial method, without pressure and without prejudice.
Partisanship has no place in our foreign relations. As I wish to see a
court established, and as the proposal presents the only practical plan on
which many nations have ever agreed, though it may not meet every desire, I
therefore commend it to the favorable consideration of the Senate, with the
proposed reservations clearly indicating our refusal to adhere to the
League of Nations. RUSSIA

Our diplomatic relations, lately so largely interrupted, are now being
resumed, but Russia presents notable difficulties. We have every desire to
see that great people, who are our traditional friends, restored to their
position among the nations of the earth. We have relieved their pitiable
destitution with an. enormous charity. Our Government offers no objection
to the carrying on of commerce by our citizens with the people of Russia.
Our Government does not propose, however, to enter into relations with
another regime which refuses to recognize the sanctity of international
obligations. I do not propose to barter away for the privilege of trade any
of the cherished rights of humanity. I do not propose to make merchandise
of any American principles. These rights and principles must go wherever
the sanctions of our Government go.

But while the favor of America is not for sale, I am willing to make very
large concessions for the purpose of rescuing the people of Russia. Already
encouraging evidences of returning to the ancient ways of society can be
detected. But more are needed. Whenever there appears any disposition to
compensate our citizens who were despoiled, and to recognize that debt
contracted with our Government, not by the Czar, but by the newly formed
Republic of Russia; whenever the active spirit of enmity to our
institutions is abated; whenever there appear works mete for repentance;
our country ought to be the first to go to the economic and moral rescue of
Russia. We have every desire to help and no desire to injure. We hope the
time is near at hand when we can act. DEBTS

The current debt and interest due from foreign Governments, exclusive of
the British debt of $4,600,000,000, is about $7,200,000,000. 1 do not favor
the cancellation of this debt, but I see no objection to adjusting it in
accordance with the principle adopted for the British debt. Our country
would not wish to assume the role of an oppressive creditor, but would
maintain the principle that financial obligations between nations are
likewise moral obligations which international faith and honor require
should be discharged.

Our Government has a liquidated claim against Germany for the expense of
the army of occupation of over $255,000,000. Besides this, the Mixed Claims
Commission have before them about 12,500 claims of American citizens,
aggregating about $1,225,000,000. These claims have already been reduced by
a recent decision, but there are valid claims reaching well toward
$500,000,000. Our thousands of citizens with credits due them of hundreds
of millions of dollars have no redress save in the action of our
Government. These are very substantial interests, which it is the duty of
our Government to protect as best it can. That course I propose to pursue.

It is for these reasons that we have a direct interest in the economic
recovery of Europe. They are enlarged by our desire for the stability of
civilization and the welfare of humanity. That we are making sacrifices to
that end none can deny. Our deferred interest alone amounts to a million
dollars every day. But recently we offered to aid with our advice and
counsel. We have reiterated our desire to see France paid and Germany
revived. We have proposed disarmament. We have earnestly sought to compose
differences and restore peace. We shall persevere in well-doing, not by
force, but by reason.

FOREIGN PAPERS

Under the law the papers pertaining to foreign relations to be printed are
transmitted as a part of this message. Other volumes of these papers will
follow.

FOREIGN SERVICE

The foreign service of our Government needs to be reorganized and
improved.

FISCAL CONDITION

Our main problems are domestic problems. Financial stability is the first
requisite of sound government. We can not escape the effect of world
conditions. We can not avoid the inevitable results of the economic
disorders which have reached all nations. But we shall diminish their harm
to us in proportion as we continue to restore our Government finances to a
secure and endurable position. This we can and must do. Upon that firm
foundation rests the only hope of progress and prosperity. From that source
must come relief for the people.

This is being, accomplished by a drastic but orderly retrenchment, which is
bringing our expenses within our means. The origin of this has been the
determination of the American people, the main support has been the courage
of those in authority, and the effective method has been the Budget System.
The result has involved real sacrifice by department heads, but it has been
made without flinching. This system is a law of the Congress. It represents
your will. It must be maintained, and ought to be strengthened by the
example of your observance. Without a Budget System there can be no fixed
responsibility and no constructive scientific economy.

This great concentration of effort by the administration and Congress has
brought the expenditures, exclusive of the self-supporting Post. Office
Department, down to three billion dollars. It is possible, in consequence,
to make a large reduction in the taxes of the people, which is the sole
object of all curtailment. This is treated at greater length in the Budget
message, and a proposed plan has been presented in detail in a statement by
the Secretary of the Treasury which has my unqualified approval. I
especially commend a decrease on earned incomes, and further abolition of
admission, message, and nuisance taxes. Tile amusement and educational
value of moving pictures ought not to be taxed. Diminishing charges against
moderate incomes from investment will afford immense relief, while a
revision of the surtaxes will not only provide additional money for capital
investment, thus stimulating industry and employing more but will not
greatly reduce the revenue from that source, and may in the future actually
increase it.

Being opposed to war taxes in time of peace, I am not in favor of
excess-profits taxes. A very great service could be rendered through
immediate enactment of legislation relieving the people of some of the
burden of taxation. To' reduce war taxes is to give every home a better
chance.

For seven years the people have borne with uncomplaining courage the
tremendous burden of national and local taxation. These must both be
reduced. The taxes of the Nation must be reduced now as much as prudence
will permit, and expenditures must be reduced accordingly. High taxes reach
everywhere and burden everybody. They gear most heavily upon the poor. They
diminish industry and commerce. They make agriculture unprofitable. They
increase the rates on transportation. They are a charge on every necessary
of life. Of all services which the Congress can render to the country, I
have no hesitation in declaring t neglect it, to postpone it, to obstruct
it by unsound proposals, is to become unworthy of public confidence and
untrue to public trust. The country wants this measure to have the right of
way over an others.

Another reform which is urgent in our fiscal system is the abolition of the
right to issue tax-exempt securities. The existing system not only permits
a large amount of the wealth of the Notion to escape its just burden but
acts as a continual stimulant to municipal extravagance. This should be
prohibited by constitutional amendment. All the wealth of the Nation ought
to contribute its fair share to the expenses of the Nation.

TARIFF TAW

The present tariff law has accomplished its two main objects. It has
secured an abundant revenue and been productive of an abounding prosperity.
Under it the country has had a very large export and import trade. A
constant revision of the tariff by the Congress is disturbing and harmful.
The present law contains an elastic provision authorizing the President to
increase or decrease present schedules not in excess of 50 per centum to
meet the difference in cost of production at home and abroad. This does
not, to my mind, warrant a rewriting g of the whole law, but does mean, and
will be so administered, that whenever the required investigation shows
that inequalities of sufficient importance exist in any schedule, the power
to change them should and will be applied. SHIPPING

The entire well being of our country is dependent upon transportation by
sea and land. Our Government during the war acquired a large merchant fleet
which should be transferred, as soon as possible, to private ownership and
operation under conditions which would secure two results: First, and of
?prime importance, adequate means for national defense; second, adequate
service to American commerce. Until shipping conditions are such that our
fleet can be disposed of advantageously under these conditions, it will be
operated as economically as possible under such plans as may be devised
from time to time by the Shipping Board. We must have a merchant marine
which meets these requirements, and we shall have to pay the cost of its
service.

PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS

The time has come to. resume in a moderate way the opening of our
intracoastal waterways; the control of flood waters of the Mississippi and
of the Colorado Rivers; the improvement of the waterways from the Great
Lakes toward the Gulf of Mexico; and the development of the great power and
navigation project of the St. Lawrence River, for which efforts are now
being made to secure the necessary treaty with Canada. These projects can
not all be undertaken at once, but all should have the immediate
consideration of the Congress and be adopted as fast as plans can be
matured and the necessary funds become available. This is not incompatible
with economy, for their nature does not require so much a public
expenditure as a capital investment which will be reproductive, as
evidenced by the marked increase in revenue from the Panama Canal. Upon
these projects depend much future industrial and agricultural progress.
They represent the protection of large areas from flood and the addition of
a great amount of cheap power and cheap freight by use of navigation, chief
of which is the bringing of ocean-going ships to the Great Lakes.

Another problem of allied character is the superpower development of the
Northeastern States, consideration of which is growing under the direction
of the Department of Commerce by joint conference with the local
authorities. RAILROADS

Criticism of the railroad law has been directed, first, to the section
laying down the rule by which rates are fixed, and providing for payment to
the Government and use of excess earnings; second, to the method for the
adjustment of wage scales; and third, to the authority permitting
consolidations.

It has been erroneously assumed that the act undertakes to guarantee
railroad earnings. The law requires that rates should be just and
reasonable. That has always been the rule under which rates have been
fixed. To make a rate that does not yield a fair return results in
confiscation, and confiscatory rates are of course unconstitutional. Unless
the Government adheres to the rule of making a rate that will yield a fair
return, it must abandon rate making altogether. The new and important
feature of that part of the law is the recapture and redistribution of
excess rates. The constitutionality of this method is now before the
Supreme Court for adjudication. Their decision should be awaited before
attempting further legislation on this subject. Furthermore, the importance
of this feature will not be great if consolidation goes into effect.

The settlement of railroad labor disputes is a matter of grave public
concern. The Labor Board was established to protect the public in the
enjoyment of continuous service by attempting to insure justice between the
companies and their employees. It has been a great help, but is not
altogether satisfactory to the public, the employees, or the companies. If
a substantial agreement can be reached among the groups interested, there
should be no hesitation in enacting such agreement into law. If it is not
reached, the Labor Board may very well be left for the present to protect
the public welfare.

The law for consolidations is not sufficiently effective to be expeditious.
Additional legislation is needed giving authority for voluntary
consolidations, both regional and route, and providing Government machinery
to aid and stimulate such action, always "subject to the approval of the
Interstate Commerce Commission. This should authorize the commission to
appoint committees for each proposed group, representing the public and the
component roads, with power to negotiate with individual security holders
for an exchange of their securities for those of the, consolidation on such
terms and conditions as the commission may prescribe for avoiding any
confiscation and preserving fair values. Should this permissive
consolidation prove ineffective after a limited period, the authority of
the Government will have to be directly invoked.

Consolidation appears to be the only feasible method for the maintenance of
an adequate system of transportation with an opportunity so to adjust
freight rates as to meet such temporary conditions as now prevail in some
agricultural sections. Competent authorities agree that an entire
reorganization of the rate structure for freight is necessary. This should
be ordered at once by the Congress.

DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE

As no revision of the laws of the United States has been made since 1878, a
commission or committee should be created to undertake this work. The
Judicial Council reports that two more district judges are needed in the
southern district of New York, one in the northern district of Georgia, and
two more circuit judges in the Circuit Court of Appeals of the Eighth
Circuit. Legislation should be considered for this purpose.

. It is desirable to expedite the hearing and disposal of cases. A
commission of Federal judges and lawyers should be created to recommend
legislation by which the procedure in the Federal trial courts may be
simplified and regulated by rules of court, rather than by statute; such
rules to be submitted to the Congress and to be in force until annulled or
modified by the Congress. The Supreme Court needs legislation revising and
simplifying the laws governing review by that court, and enlarging the
classes of cases of too little public importance to be subject to review.
Such reforms would expedite the transaction of the business of the courts.
The administration of justice is likely to fail if it be long delayed.

The National Government has never given adequate attention to its prison
problems. It ought to provide employment in such forms of production as can
be used by the Government, though not sold to the public in competition
with private business, for all prisoners who can be placed at work, and for
which they should receive a reasonable compensation, available for their
dependents.

Two independent reformatories are needed; one for the segregation of women,
and another for the segregation of young men serving their first sentence.

The administration of justice would be facilitated greatly by including in
the Bureau of Investigation of the Department of Justice a Division of
Criminal Identification, where there would be collected this information
which is now indispensable in the suppression of crime. PROHIBITION

The prohibition amendment to the Constitution requires the Congress. and
the President to provide adequate laws to prevent its violation. It is my
duty to enforce such laws. For that purpose a treaty is being negotiated
with Great Britain with respect to the ri lit of search of hovering
vessels. To prevent smuggling, the Coast Card should be greatly
strengthened, and a supply of swift power boats should be provided. The
major sources of production should be rigidly regulated, and every effort
should be made to suppress interstate traffic. With this action on the part
of the National Government, and the cooperation which is usually rendered
by municipal and State authorities, prohibition should be made effective.
Free government has no greater menace than disrespect for authority and
continual violation of law. It is the duty of a citizen not only to observe
the law but to let it be known that he is opposed to its violation.

THE NEGRO

Numbered among our population are some 12,000,000 colored people. Under our
Constitution their rights are just as sacred as those of any other citizen.
It is both a public and a private duty to protect those rights. The
Congress ought to exercise all its powers of prevention and punishment
against the hideous crime of lynching, of which the negroes are by no means
the sole sufferers, but for which they furnish a majority of the victims.

Already a considerable sum is appropriated to give the negroes vocational
training in agriculture. About half a million dollars is recommended for
medical courses at Howard University to help contribute to the education of
500 colored doctors needed each year. On account of the integration of
large numbers into industrial centers, it has been proposed that a
commission be created, composed of members from both races, to formulate a
better policy for mutual understanding and confidence. Such an effort is to
be commended. Everyone would rejoice in the accomplishment of the results
which it seeks. But it is well to recognize that these difficulties are to
a large extent local problems which must be worked out by the mutual
forbearance and human kindness of each community. Such a method gives much
more promise of a real remedy than outside interference.

CIVIL SERVICE

The maintenance and extension of the classified civil service is
exceedingly important. There are nearly 550,000 persons in the executive
civil service drawing about $700,000,000 of yearly compensation.
Four-fifths of these are in the classified service. This method of
selection of the employees of the United States is especially desirable for
the Post Office Department. The Civil Service Commission has recommended
that postmasters at first, second, and third class offices be classified.
Such action, accompanied by a repeal of the four-year term of office, would
undoubtedly be an improvement. I also recommend that the field force for
prohibition enforcement be brought within the classified civil service
without covering in the present membership. The best method for selecting
public servants is the merit system.

PUBLIC BUILDINGS

Many of the departments in Washington need better housing facilities. Some
are so crowded that their work is impeded, others are so scattered that
they lose their identity. While I do not favor at this time a general
public building law, I believe it is now necessary, in accordance with
plans already sanctioned for a unified and orderly system for the
development of this city, to begin the carrying out of those plans by
authorizing the erection of three or four buildings most urgently needed by
an annual appropriation of $5,000,000.

REGULATORY LEGISLATION

Cooperation with other maritime powers is necessary for complete protection
of our coast waters from. pollution. Plans for this are under way, but
await certain experiments for refuse disposal. Meantime laws prohibiting
spreading oil and oil refuse from vessels in our own territorial waters
would be most helpful against this menace and should be speedily enacted.

Laws should be passed regulating aviation.

Revision is needed of the laws regulating radio interference.

Legislation and regulations establishing load liner, to provide safe
loading of vessels leaving our ports are necessary and recodification of
our navigation laws is vital.

Revision of procedure of the Federal Trade Commission will give more
constructive purpose to this department.

If our Alaskan fisheries are to be saved from destruction, there must be
further legislation declaring a general policy and delegating the authority
to make rules and regulations to an administrative body.

ARMY AND NAVY

For several years we have been decreasing the personnel of the Army and
Navy, and reducing their power to the danger point. Further reductions
should not be made. The Army is a guarantee of the security of our citizens
at home; the Navy is a guarantee of the security of our citizens abroad.
Both of these services should be strengthened rather than weakened.
Additional planes are needed for the Army, and additional submarines for
the Navy. The defenses of Panama must be perfected. We want no more
competitive armaments. We want no more war. But we want no weakness that
invites imposition. A people who neglect their national defense are putting
in jeopardy their national honor.

INSULAR POSSESSIONS

Conditions in the insular possessions on the whole have been good. Their
business has been reviving. They are being administered according to law.
That effort has the full support of the administration. Such
recommendations as may conic from their people or their governments should
have the most considerate attention.

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