Chris. Evans - "EURASIA"

John Greenleaf Whittier - "Anti Slavery Poems II."

Sir Samuel W. Baker - "Wild Beasts and their Ways"

William Shakespeare - "King Henry the Eigth"

The Mirrors Of Washington

A >> Anonymous >> The Mirrors Of Washington



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THE MIRRORS OF WASHINGTON





CONTENTS

WITH BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES



HARDING, Warren G.,

President of the United States; b. Corsica, Morrow Co., O., Nov. 2,
1865; Educ. student of Ohio Central Coll. (now defunct), Iberia,
1879-82; engaged in newspaper business at Marion, O., since 1884;
pres. Harding Pub. Co., pubs. Star (daily); mem. Ohio Senate, 1900-
4; lt.-gov. of Ohio, 1904-6; Rep. nominee for gov. of Ohio, 1910
(defeated); mem. U. S. Senate, from Ohio, 1915-21; Baptist;
President of the United States, 1921

WILSON, Woodrow,

Twenty-eighth President of the United States; b. Staunton, Va.,
Dec. 28, 1856; Educ. Davidson Coll., N. C., 1874-5; A.B.,
Princeton, 1879, A.M., 1882; grad. in law, U. of Va., 1881; post-
grad, work at Johns Hopkins, 1883-5, Ph.D., 1886; (LL.D., Wake
Forest, 1887, Tulane, 1898, Johns Hopkins, 1902, Rutgers, 1902, U.
of Pa., 1903, Brown, 1903; Harvard, 1907, Williams, 1908,
Dartmouth, 1909; Litt. D., Yale, 1901); pres. Aug. 1, 1902--Oct.
20, 1910, Princeton U.; gov. of N. J., Jan. 17, 1911--Mar. 1, 1913
(resigned); nominated for President in Dem. Nat. Conv. Baltimore,
1912, and elected Nov. 4, 1912, for term, Mar. 4, 1913-Mar. 4,
1917; renominated for President in Dem. Nat. Conv., St. Louis,
1916, and reelected, Nov. 7, 1916; for term Mar. 4, 1917-Mar. 4,
1921; Left for France on the troopship "George Washington", Dec. 4,
1918, at the head of Am. Commn. to Negotiate Peace; returned to U.
S., arriving in Boston, Feb. 24,1919; left New York on 2d trip to
Europe, Mar. 5; arrived in Paris, Mar. 14; signed Peace Treaty,
June 28, 1919

HARVEY, George (Brinton McClellan),

Editor; b. Peacham, Vt., Feb. 16, 1864; Educ. Peacham Academy;
(LL.D., University of Nevada, University of Vermont, Middlebury
Coll. and Erskine Coll.). Consecutively reporter Springfield
Republican, Chicago News, and New York World, 1882-6; ins. commr.
of N. J., 1890-1; mng. editor New York World, 1891-93; constructor
and pres. various electric railroads, 1894-8; purchased, 1899, and
since editor North American Review, Pres. Harper & Bros., 1900-15;
North Am. Review Pub. Co., 1899-; editor and pub. Harvey's Weekly;
dir. Audit Co. of New York; Col. and a.-d.-c. on staffs of Govs.
Green and Abbett, of N. J., 1885-92; hon. col. and a.-d.-c. on
staffs of Govs. Heyward and Ansel, of S. C.; U. S. Ambassador to
Court of Saint James

HUGHES, Charles Evans,

Secretary of State; b. at Glens Falls, N. Y., Apr. 11, 1862; Educ.
Colgate U., 1876-8; A.B., Brown U., 1881, A.M., 1884; LL.B.,
Columbia, 1884; (LL.D., Brown, 1906, Columbia, Knox, and Lafayette,
1907, Union, Colgate, 1908, George Washington, 1909, Williams
College, Harvard, and Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1910, Yale Univ.,
1915); admitted to N. Y. bar, 1884; prize fellowship, Columbia Law
Sch., 1884-7; nominated for office of mayor of New York by Rep.
Conv., 1905, but declined; gov. of N. Y. 2 terms, Jan. 1, 1907-Dec.
31, 1908, Jan. 1, 1909-Dec. 31, 1910; resigned, Oct. 6, 1910;
apptd., May 2, 1910, and Oct. 10, 1910, became asso. justice
Supreme Court of U. S.; nominated for President of U. S. in Rep.
Nat. Conv., Chicago, June 10, 1916, and resigned from Supreme Court
same day; Secretary of State, 1921

HOUSE, Edward Mandell,

B. Houston, Tex., July 26, 1858; Educ. Hopkins Grammar Sch., New
Haven, Conn., 1877; Cornell U., 1881; active in Dem. councils,
state and national, but never a candidate for office. Personal
representative of President Wilson to the European governments in
1914, 1915, and 1916; apptd. by the President, Sept., 1917, to
gather and organize data necessary at the eventual peace
conference; commd. as the special rep. of Govt. of U. S. at the
Inter-Allied Conference of Premiers and Foreign Ministers, held in
Paris, Nov. 29, 1917, to effect a more complete coordination of the
activities of the Entente cobelligerents for the prosecution of the
war; designated by the President to represent the U. S. in the
Supreme War Council at Versailles, Dec. 1, 1917; Oct. 17, 1918;
designated by the President to act for the U. S. in the negotiation
of the Armistice with the Central Powers; mem. Am. Commn. to
Negotiate Peace, 1918-19

HOOVER, Herbert Clark,

Secretary of Commerce; Engineer; b. West Branch, Ia., Aug. 10,
1874; Educ. B.A. (in mining engring.), Leland Stanford, Jr., U.,
1895; (LL.D., Brown U., U. of Pa., Harvard, Princeton, Yale,
Oberlin, U. of Ala., Liege, Brussels; D.C.L., Oxford); Asst. Ark.
Geol. Survey, 1893, U. S. Geol. Survey, Sierra Nevada Mountains,
1895; in W. Australia as chief of mining staff of Bewick, Moreing &
Co. and mgr. Hannan's Brown Hill Mine, 1897; chief engr. Chinese
Imperial Bur. of Mines, 1899, doing extensive exploration in
interior of China. Took part in defense of Tientsin during Boxer
disturbances; Chmn. Am. Relief Com. London, 1914-15, Commn. for
Relief in Belgium, 1915-18; chmn. food com. Council of Nat.
Defense, Apr.-Aug. 1917; apptd. U. S. food administrator by
President Wilson, Aug. 10, 1917, resigned June, 1919. Secretary of
Commerce, 1921

LODGE, Henry Cabot,

Senator; b. Boston, May 12, 1850; Educ. A.B., Harvard, 1871, LL.B.,
1875, Ph.D. (history), 1876; (LL.D., Williams, 1893, Yale, 1902,
Clark U., 1902, Harvard, 1904, Amherst, 1912, also Union Col.,
Princeton U., and Dartmouth Coll., and Brown, 1918); Admitted to
bar, 1876; editor North American Review, 1873-6, International
Review, 1879-81; mem. Mass. Ho. of Rep., 1880, 81; mem. 50th to 53d
Congresses (1887-93), 6th Mass. Dist.; U. S. senator, since 1893;
mem. Alaskan Boundary Tribunal, 1903; mem. U. S. Immigration
Commn., 1907

BARUCH, Bernard Mannes,

Educ. A.B., Coll. City of New York, 1889; mem. of New York Stock
Exchange many yrs.; apptd., 1916, by Pres. Wilson, mem. Advisory
Commn. of Council Nat. Defense; was made chmn. Com. on Raw
Materials, Minerals and Metals, also commr. in charge of purchasing
for the War Industries Bd., and mem. commn. in charge of all
purchases for the Allies; apptd. chmn. War Industries Bd., Mar. 5,
1918; resigned Jan. 1, 1919; connected with Am. Commn. to Negotiate
Peace as member of the drafting com. of the Economic Sect.; mem.
Supreme Economic Council and chmn. of its raw materials div.; Am.
del. on economics and reparation clauses; economic adviser for the
Am. Peace Commn.; mem. President's Conf. for Capital and Labor,
Oct. 1919

ROOT, Elihu,

Ex-Secretary of State; senator; b. Clinton, N. Y., Feb. 15, 1845;
Educ. A.B., Hamilton Coll., 1864, A.M., 1867; taught at Rome Acad.,
1865; LL.B., New York U., 1867; (LL.D., Hamilton, 1894, Yale, 1900,
Columbia, 1904, New York U., 1904, Williams, 1905, Princeton, 1906,
U. of Buenos Aires, 1906, Harvard, 1907, Wesleyan, 1909, McHill,
1913, Union U., 1914, U. of State of N. Y., 1915, U. of Toronto,
1918, and Colgate U., 1919; Dr. Polit. Science, U. of Leyden, 1913;
D.C.L., Oxford, 1913; mem. Faculty of Political and Administrative
Sciences, University of San Marcos, Lima, 1906); Admitted to bar,
1867; U. S. dist. atty. Southern Dist. of N. Y., 1883-5; Sec. of
War in cabinet of President McKinley, Aug. 1, 1899-Feb. 1, 1904;
Sec. of State in cabinet of President Roosevelt, July 1, 1905-Jan.
27, 1909; U. S. senator from N. Y., 1909-15; mem. Alaskan Boundary
Tribunal, 1903; counsel for U. S. in N. Atlantic Fisheries
Arbitration, 1910; mem. Permanent Court of Arbitration at The
Hague, 1910-; pres. Carnegie Endowment for Internat. Peace, 1910;
president Hague Tribunal of Arbitration between Great Britain,
France, Spain, and Portugal, concerning church property, 1913;
ambassador extraordinary at the head of special diplomatic mission
to Russia, during revolution, 1917. Awarded Nobel Peace Prize for
1912.

JOHNSON, Hiram Warren,

Senator; b. Sacramento, Cal., Sept. 2, 1866; Educ. U. of Cal.,
leaving in jr. yr.; began as short-hand reporter; studied law in
father's office; admitted to Cal. bar, 1888; mem. staff of pros.
attys. in boodling cases, involving leading city officials and
almost all pub. utility corpns. in San Francisco, 1906-7; was
selected to take the place of Francis J. Heney, after latter was
shot down in court while prosecuting Abe Ruef, for bribery, 1908,
and secured conviction of Ruef; gov. of Cal., 1911-15; reelected
for term, 1915-19 (resigned Mar. 15, 1917); a founder of
Progressive Party, 1912, and nominee for V.-P. of U.S. on Prog.
ticket same yr.; U. S. senator from Cal. for term 1917-23

KNOX, Philander Chase,

Ex-Secretary of State; b. Brownsville, Pa., May 6, 1853; Educ.
A.B., Mt. Union Coll., Ohio, 1872; read law in office of H. B.
Swope, Pittsburgh; (LL.D., U. of Pa., 1905, Yale, 1907, Villanova,
1909); Admitted to bar, 1875; asst. U. S. dist. atty., Western
Dist. of Pa., 1876-7; Atty.-Gen. in cabinets of Presidents McKinley
and Roosevelt, Apr. 9, 1901-June 30, 1904; apptd. U. S. senator by
Governor Pennypacker, June 10, 1904, for unexpired term of Matthew
Stanley Quay, deceased; elected U. S. senator, Jan., 1905, for
term, 1905-11; Sec. of State in cabinet of President Taft, Mar.,
1909-13; Reelected U. S. senator, for term 1917-23

LANSING, Robert,

Ex-Secretary of State; b. at Watertown, N. Y., Oct. 17, 1864; Educ.
A.B., Amherst, 1886; (LL.D., Amherst, 1915, Colgate, 1915,
Princeton, 1917, Columbia, 1918, Union, 1918, U. State of N. Y.,
1919); Admitted to bar, 1889; Asso. counsel for U. S. in Behring
Sea Arbitration, 1892-3: counsel for Behring Sea Claims Commn.,
1896-7; solicitor and counsel for the United States under the
Alaskan Boundary Tribunal, 1903; counsel, North Atlantic Coast
Fisheries Arbitration at The Hague, 1909-10; agent of United
States, Am. and British Claims Arbitration, 1912-14; counselor for
Dept. of State, Mar. 20, 1914-June 23, 1915; Secretary of State in
Cabinet of Pres. Wilson, June 23, 1915-Feb., 1920; mem. Am. Commn.
to Negotiate Peace, Paris, 1918-19

PENROSE, Boies,

Senator; b. Phila., Nov. 1, 1860; Educ. A.B., Harvard, 1881;
Admitted to the bar, 1883; mem. Pa. Ho. of Rep., 1884-6, Senate,
1887-97 (pres. pro tem., 1889,1891); U. S. senator, 4 terms, 1897-
1921; Chmn. Rep. State Com., 1903-5; mem. Rep. Nat. Com. since 1904

BORAH, William Edgar,

Senator; b. at Fairfield, Ill., June 29, 1865; Educ. Southern Ill.
Acad., Enfield, and U. of Kan.; Admitted to bar, 1889; U. S.
senator from Idaho, Jan. 14,1903; elected U. S. senator for terms
1907-13, 1913-19, 1919-25





WARREN GAMALIEL HARDING


Every time we elect a new President we learn what a various
creature is the Typical American.

When Mr. Roosevelt was in the White House the Typical American was
gay, robustious, full of the joy of living, an expansive spirit
from the frontier, a picaresque twentieth century middle class
Cavalier. He hit the line hard and did not flinch. And his laugh
shook the skies.

Came Wilson. And the Typical American was troubled about his soul.
Rooted firmly in the church-going past, he carried the banner of
the Lord, Democracy, idealistic, bent on perfecting that old
incorrigible Man, he cuts off the right hand that offends him and
votes for prohibition and woman suffrage, a Round Head in a Ford.

Eight years and we have the perfectly typical American, Warren
Gamaliel Harding of the modern type, the Square Head, typical of
that America whose artistic taste is the movies, who reads and
finds mental satisfaction in the vague inanities of the small town
newspaper, who has faith in America, who is for liberty, virtue,
happiness, prosperity, law and order and all the standard
generalities and holds them a perfect creed; who distrusts anything
new except mechanical inventions, the standardized product of the
syndicate which supplies his nursing bottle, his school books, his
information, his humor in a strip, his art on a screen, with a
quantity production mind, cautious, uniformly hating divergence
from uniformity, jailing it in troublous times, prosperous, who has
his car and his bank account and can sell a bill of goods as well
as the best of them.

People who insist upon having their politics logical demand to know
the why of Harding. Why was a man of so undistinguished a record as
he first chosen as a candidate for President and then elected
President?

As a legislator he had left no mark on legislation. If he had
retired from Congress at the end of his term his name would have
existed only in the old Congressional directories, like that of a
thousand others. As a public speaker he had said nothing that
anybody could remember. He had passed through a Great War and left
no mark on it. He had shared in a fierce debate upon the peace that
followed the war but though you can recall small persons like
McCumber and Kellogg and Moses and McCormick in that discussion you
do not recall Harding. To be sure he made a speech in that debate
which he himself says was a great speech but no newspaper thought
fit to publish it because of its quality, or felt impelled to
publish it in spite of its quality because it had been made by
Harding.

He neither compelled attention by what he said nor by his
personality. Why, then, without fireworks, without distinction of
any sort, without catching the public eye, or especially deserving
to catch it, was Warren Harding elected President of the United
States?

One plausible reason why he was nominated was that given by Senator
Brandegee at Chicago, where he had a great deal to do with the
nomination. "There ain't any first raters this year. This ain't any
1880 or any 1904. We haven't any John Shermans or Theodore
Roosevelts. We've got a lot of second raters and Warren Harding is
the best of the second raters."

Once nominated as a Republican his election of course inevitably
followed. But to accept Mr. Brandegee's plea in avoidance is to
agree to the eternal poverty of American political life, for most
of our presidents have been precisely like Warren G. Harding,
first-class second raters.

Mrs. Harding, a woman of sound sense and much energy, had an
excellent instructive answer to the "why." The pictures of the
house in Marion, the celebrated front porch, herself and her
husband were taken to be exhibited by cinema all over the land. She
said, "I want the people to see these pictures so that they will
know we are just folks like themselves."

Warren Harding is "just folks." A witty woman said of him, alluding
to the small town novel which was popular at the time of his
inauguration, "Main Street has arrived in the White House."

The Average Man has risen up and by seven million majority elected
an Average Man President. His defects were his virtues. He was
chosen rather for what he wasn't than for what he was,--the
inconspicuousness of his achievements. The "just folks" level of
his mind, his small town man's caution, his sense of the security
of the past, his average hopes and fears and practicality, his
standardized Americanism which would enable a people who wanted for
a season to do so to take themselves politically for granted.

The country was tired of the high thinking and rather plain
spiritual living of Woodrow Wilson. It desired the man in the White
House to cause it no more moral overstrain than does the man you
meet in the Pullman smoking compartment or the man who writes the
captions for the movies who employs a sort of Inaugural style,
freed from the inhibitions of statesmanship. It was in a mood
similar to that of Mr. Harding himself when after his election he
took Senators Freylinghuysen, Hale, and Elkins with him on his trip
to Texas. Senator Knox observing his choice is reported to have
said, "I think he is taking those three along because he wanted
complete mental relaxation." All his life Mr. Harding has shown a
predilection for companions who give him complete mental
relaxation, though duty compels him to associate with the Hughes
and the Hoovers. The conflict between duty and complete mental
relaxation establishes a strong bond of sympathy between him and
the average American.

The "why" of Harding is the democratic passion for equality. We are
standardized, turned out like Fords by the hundred million, and we
cannot endure for long anyone who is not standardized. Such an one
casts reflections upon us; why should we by our votes unnecessarily
asperse ourselves? Occasionally we may indulge nationally, as men
do individually, in the romantic belief that we are somebody else,
that we are like Roosevelt or Wilson--and they become typical of
what we would be--but always we come back to the knowledge that we
are nationally like Harding, who is typical of what we are. "Just
folks" Kuppenheimered, movieized, associated pressed folks.

Men debate whether or not Mr. Wilson was a great man and they will
keep on doing so until the last of those passes away whose judgment
of him is clouded by the sense of his personality. But men will
never debate about the greatness of Mr. Harding, not even Mr.
Harding himself. He is modest. He has only two vanities, his vanity
about his personal appearance and his vanity about his literary
style.

The inhibitions of a presidential candidate, bound to speak and say
nothing, irked him.

"Of course I could make better speeches than these" he told a
friend during the campaign, "but I have to be so careful."

In his inaugural address he let himself go, as much as it is
possible for a man so cautious as he is to let himself go. It was a
great speech, an inaugural to place alongside the inaugurals of
Lincoln and Washington, written in his most capable English,
Harding at his best. It is hard for a man to move Marion for years
with big editorials, to receive the daily compliments of Dick
Cressinger and Jim Prendergast, without becoming vain of the power
of his pen. It is his chief vanity and it is one that it is hard
for him who speaks or writes to escape. He has none of that egotism
which makes a self-confident man think himself the favorite of
fortune.

He said after his nomination at Chicago, "We drew to a pair of
deuces and filled." He did not say it boastfully as a man who likes
to draw to a pair of deuces and who always expects to fill. He said
it with surprise and relief. He does not like to hold a pair of
deuces and be forced to draw to them. He has not a large way of
regarding losing and winning as all a part of the game. He hates to
lose. He hated to lose even a friendly game of billiards in the
Marion Club with his old friend Colonel Christian, father of his
secretary, though the stake was only a cigar.

When he was urged to seek the Republican nomination for the
Presidency he is reported to have said, "Why should I. My chances
of winning are not good. If I let you use my name I shall probably
in the end lose the nomination for the Senate. (His term was
expiring.) If I don't run for the Presidency I can stay in the
Senate all my life. I like the Senate. It is a very pleasant
place."

The Senate is like Marion, Ohio, a very pleasant place, for a
certain temperament. And Mr. Harding stayed in Marion all his life
until force--a vis exterior; there is nothing inside Mr. Harding
that urges him on and on--until force of circumstances, of
politics, of other men's ambitions, took him out of Marion and set
him down in Washington, in the Senate.

The process of uprooting him from the pleasant place of Marion is
reported to have been thus described by his political transplanter,
the present Attorney General, Mr. Daugherty: "When it came to
running for the Senate I found him, sunning himself in Florida,
like a turtle on a log and I had to push him into the water and
make him swim."

And a similar thing happened when it came to running for the
Presidency. It is a definite type of man who suns himself on a log,
who is seduced by pleasant places like Marion, Ohio, whom the big
town does not draw into its magnetic field, whose heart is not
excited by the larger chances of life. Is he lazy? Is he lacking in
imagination? Does he hate to lose? Does he want self-confidence? Is
he over modest? Has he no love for life, life as a great adventure?
Whatever he is, Mr. Harding is that kind of man, that kind of man
to start out with.

But this is only the point of departure, that choice to remain in a
pleasant place like Marion, not to risk what you have, your sure
place in society as the son of one of the better families, the
reasonable prospect that the growth of your small town will bring
some accretion to your own fortunes, the decision not to hazard
greatly in New York or Chicago or on the frontier. Life asks little
of you in those pleasant places like Marion and in return for that
little gives generously, especially if you are, to begin with, well
placed, if you are ingratiatingly handsome, if your personality is
agreeable--"The best fellow in the world to play poker with all
Saturday night," as a Marionite feelingly described the President
to me, and if you have a gift of words as handsome and abundant as
your looks.

Mr. Harding is a handsome man, endowed with the gifts that
reinforce the charm of his exterior, a fine voice, a winning smile,
a fluency of which his inaugural is the best instance; an ample
man, you might say. But he is too handsome, too endowed, for his
own good, his own spiritual good. The slight stoop of his
shoulders, the soft figure, the heaviness under the eyes betray in
some measure perhaps the consequences of nature's excessive
generosity. Given all these things you take, it may be, too much
for granted. There is not much to stiffen the mental, moral, and
physical fibers.

Given such good looks, such favor from nature, and an environment
in which the struggle is not sharp and existence is a species of
mildly purposeful flanerie. You lounge a bit stoop-shoulderedly
forward to success. There is nothing hard about the President. I
once described him in somewhat this fashion to a banker in New York
who was interested in knowing what kind of a President we had.

"You agree," he said, "with a friend of Harding's who came in to
see me a few days ago. This friend said to me 'Warren is the best
fellow in the world. He has wonderful tact. He knows how to make
men work with him and how to get the best out of them. He is
politically adroit. He is conscientious. He has a keen sense of his
responsibilities. He has unusual common sense.' And he named other
similar virtues, 'Well,' I asked him, 'What is his defect?' 'Oh,'
he replied, 'the only trouble with Warren is that he lacks
mentality.'"

The story, like most stories, exaggerates. The President has the
average man's virtues of common sense and conscientiousness with
rather more than the average man's political skill and the average
man's industry or lack of industry. His mentality is not lacking;
it is undisciplined, especially in its higher ranges, by hard
effort. There is a certain softness about him mentally. It is not
an accident that his favorite companions are the least intellectual
members of that house of average intelligence, the Senate. They
remind him of the mental surroundings of Marion, the pleasant but
unstimulating mental atmosphere of the Marion Club, with its
successful small town business men, its local storekeepers, its
banker whose mental horizon is bounded by Marion County, the value
of whose farm lands for mortgages he knows to a penny, the lumber
dealer whose eye rests on the forests of Kentucky and West
Virginia.

The President has never felt the sharpening of competition. He was
a local pundit because he was the editor. He was the editor because
he owned the Republican paper of Marion. There was no effective
rival. No strong intelligence challenged his and made him fight for
his place. He never studied hard or thought deeply on public
questions. A man who stays where he is put by birth tends to accept
authority, and authority is strong in small places. The acceptance
of authority implies few risks. It is like staying in Marion
instead of going to New York or even Cleveland. It is easier, and
often more profitable than studying hard or thinking deeply or
inquiring too much.

And Mr. Harding's is a mind that bows to authority. What his party
says is enough for Mr. Harding. His party is for protection and Mr.
Harding is for protection; the arguments for protection may be
readily assimilated from the editorials of one good big city
newspaper and from a few campaign addresses. His party is for the
remission of tolls on American shipping in the Panama Canal and Mr.
Harding is for the remission of tolls. Mr. Root broke with his
party on tolls and Mr. Harding is as much shocked at Mr. Root's
deviation as the matrons of Marion would be over the public
disregard of the Seventh Commandment by one of their number. His
party became somehow for the payment of Colombia's Panama claims
and Mr. Harding was for their payment.

A story tells just how Senator Kellogg went to the President to
oppose the Colombia treaty. After hearing Mr. Kellogg Mr. Harding
remarked, "Well, Frank, you have something on me. You've evidently
read the treaty. I haven't."

A mind accepting authority favors certain general policies. It is
not sufficiently inquiring to trouble itself with the details. Mr.
Harding is for all sorts of things but is content to be merely for
them. A curious illustration developed in Marion, during the visits
of the best minds. He said to the newspaper men there one day, "I
am for voluntary military training."

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