Charles Wesley Emerson - "The Evolution of Expression Vol. I"

John Payne - "Tales from the Arabic Volumes 1 3"

Leo Tolstoy/Tolstoi - "War and Peace"

Arthur Christopher Benson - "Watersprings"

State of the Union Addresses of Abraham Lincoln

A >> Abraham Lincoln >> State of the Union Addresses of Abraham Lincoln




I cheerfully commend to your continued patronage the benevolent
institutions of the District of Columbia which have hitherto been
established or fostered by Congress, and respectfully refer for information
concerning them and in relation to the Washington Aqueduct, the Capitol,
and other matters of local interest to the report of the Secretary.

The Agricultural Department, under the supervision of its present energetic
and faithful head, is rapidly commending itself to the great and vital
interest it was created to advance It is peculiarly the people's
Department, in which they feel more directly concerned than in any other. I
commend it to the continued attention and fostering care of Congress.

The war continues. Since the last annual message all the important lines
and positions then occupied by our forces have been maintained and our arms
have steadily advanced, thus liberating the regions left in rear, so that
Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and parts of other States have again
produced reasonably fair crops.

The most remarkable feature in the military operations of the year is
General Sherman's attempted march of 300 miles directly through the
insurgent region. It tends to show a great increase of our relative
strength that our General in Chief should feel able to confront and hold in
check every active force of the enemy, and yet to detach a well-appointed
large army to move on such an expedition. The result not yet being known,
conjecture in regard to it is not here indulged.

Important movements have also occurred during the year to the effect of
molding society for durability in the Union. Although short of complete
success, it is much in the fight direction that 12,000 citizens in each of
the States of Arkansas and Louisiana have organized loyal State
governments, with free constitutions, and are earnestly struggling to
maintain and administer them. The movements in the same direction, more
extensive though less definite, in Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee should
not be overlooked. But Maryland presents the example of complete success.
Maryland is secure to liberty and union for all the future. The genius of
rebellion will no more claim Maryland. Like another foul spirit being
driven out, it may seek to tear her, but it will woo her no-more.

At the last session of Congress a proposed amendment of the Constitution
abolishing slavery throughout the United States passed the Senate, but
failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the House of
Representatives. Although the present is the same Congress and nearly the
same members, and without questioning the wisdom or patriotism of those who
stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the reconsideration and passage
of the measure at the present session. Of course the abstract question is
not changed; but in intervening election shows almost certainly that the
next Congress will pass the measure if this does not. Hence there is only a
question of time as to when the proposed amendment will go to the States
for their action. And as it is to so go at all events, may we not agree
that the sooner the better? It is not claimed that the election has imposed
a duty on members to change their views or their votes any further than, as
an additional element to be considered, their judgment may be affected by
it. It is the voice of the people now for the first time heard upon the
question. In a great national crisis like ours unanimity of action among
those seeking a common end is very desirable--almost indispensable. And yet
no approach to such unanimity is attainable unless some deference shall be
paid to the will of the majority simply because it is the will of the
majority. In this case the common end is the maintenance of the Union, and
among the means to secure that end such will, through the election, is most
dearly declared in favor of such constitutional amendment.

The most reliable indication of public purpose in this country is derived
through our popular elections. Judging by the recent canvass and its
result, the purpose of the people within the loyal States to maintain the
integrity of the Union was never more firm nor more nearly unanimous than
now. The extraordinary calmness and good order with which the millions of
voters met and mingled at the polls give strong assurance of this. Not only
all those who supported the Union ticket, so called, but a great majority
of the opposing party also may be fairly claimed to entertain and to be
actuated by the same purpose. It is an unanswerable argument to this effect
that no candidate for any officce whatever, high or low, has ventured to
seek votes on the avowal that he was for giving up the Union. There have
been much impugning of motives and much heated controversy as to the proper
means and best mode of advancing the Union cause, but on the distinct issue
of Union or no Union the politicians have shown their instinctive knowledge
that there is no diversity among the people. In affording the people the
fair opportunity of showing one to another and to the world this firmess
and unanimity of purpose, the election has been of vast value to the
national cause.

The election has exhibited another tact not less valuable to be known--the
fact that we do not approach exhaustion in the most important branch of
national resources, that of living men. While it is melancholy to reflect
that the war has filled so many graves and carried mourning to so many
hearts, it is some relief to know that, compared with the surviving, the
fallen have been so few. While corps and divisions and brigades and
regiments have formed and fought and dwindled and gone out of existence, a
great majority of the men who composed them are still living. The same is
true of the naval service. The election returns prove this. So many voters
could not else be found. The States regularly holding elections, both now
and four years ago, to wit, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois,
Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan,
Minnesota, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon,
Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, West Virginia, and Wisconsin, east
3,982,011 votes now, against 3,870,222 cast then, showing an aggregate now
of 3,982,011. To this is to be added 33,762 cast now in the new States of
Kansas and Nevada, which States did not vote in 1860, thus swelling the
aggregate to 4,015,773 and the net increase during the three years and a
half of war to 145,551. A table is appended showing particulars. To this
again should be added the number of all soldiers in the field from
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Delaware, Indiana, Illinois, and
California, who by the laws of those States could not vote away from their
homes, and which number can not be less than 90,000. Nor yet is this all.
The number in organized Territories is triple now what it was four years
ago, while thousands, white and black, join us as the national arms press
back the insurgent lines. So much is shown, affirmatively and negatively,
by the election. It is not material to inquire how the increase has been
produced or to show that it would have been greater but for the war, which
is probably true. The important fact remains demonstrated that we have more
men now than we had when the war began; that we are not exhausted nor in
process of exhaustion; that we are gaining strength and may if need be
maintain the contest indefinitely. This as to men. Material resources are
now more complete and abundant than ever.

The national resources, then, are unexhausted, and, as we believe,
inexhaustible. The public purpose to reestablish and maintain the national
authority is unchanged, and, as we believe, unchangeable. The manner of
continuing the effort remains to choose. On careful consideration of all
the evidence accessible it seems to me that no attempt at negotiation with
the insurgent leader could result in any good. He would accept nothing
short of severance of the Union, precisely what we will not and can not
give. His declarations to this effect are explicit and oft repeated. He
does not attempt to deceive us. He affords us no excuse to deceive
ourselves. He can not voluntarily reaccept the Union; we can not
voluntarily yield it. Between him and us the issue is distinct, simple, and
inflexible. It is an issue which can only be tried by war and decided by
victory. If we yield, we are beaten; if the Southern people fail him, he is
beaten. Either way it would be the victory and defeat following war. What
is true, however, of him who heads the insurgent cause is not necessarily
true of those who follow. Although he can not reaccept the Union, they can.
Some of them, we know, already desire peace and reunion. The number of such
may increase. They can at any moment have peace simply by laying down their
arms and submitting to the national authority under the Constitution. Alter
so much the Government could not, if it would, maintain war against them.
The loyal people would not sustain or allow it. If questions should remain,
we would adjust them by the peaceful means of legislation, conference,
courts, and votes, operating only in constitutional and lawful channels.
Some certain, and other possible, questions are and would be beyond the
Executive power to adjust; as, for instance, the admission of members into
Congress and whatever might require the appropriation of money. The
Executive power itself would be greatly diminished by the cessation of
actual war. Pardons and remissions of forfeitures, however, would still be
within Executive control. In what spirit and temper this control would be
exercised can be fairly judged of by the past.

A year ago general pardon and amnesty, upon specified terms, were offered
to all except certain designated classes, and it was at the same time made
known that the excepted classes were still within contemplation of special
clemency. During the year many availed themselves of the general provision,
and many more would, only that the signs of bad faith in some led to such
precautionary measures as rendered the practical process less easy and
certain. During the same time also special pardons have been granted to
individuals of the excepted classes, and no voluntary application has been
denied. Thus practically the door has been for a full year open to all
except such as were not in condition to make free choice; that is, such as
were in custody or under constraint. It is still so open to all. But the
time may come, probably will come, when public duty shall demand that it be
closed and that in lieu more rigorous measures than heretofore shall be
adopted. In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the national
authority on the part of the insurgents as the only indispensable condition
to ending the war on the part of the Government, I retract nothing
heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the declaration made a year a ago,
that "while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract
or modify the emancipation proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any
person who is free by the terms of that proclamation or by any of the acts
of Congress." If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an
Executive duty to reenslave such persons, another, and not I, must be their
instrument to perform it. In stating a single condition of peace I mean
simply to say that the war will cease on the part of the Government
whenever it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it.

State - 1860 - 1864

California - 118,840 - 110,000*

Connecticut - 77,246 - 86,616

Delaware - 16,039 - 16,924

Illinois - 339,693 - 348,235

Indiana - 272,143 - 280,645

Iowa - 128,331 - 143,331

Kentucky - 146,216 - 91,300*

Maine - 97,918 - 115,141

Maryland - 92,502 - 72,703

Massachusetts - 169,533 - 175,487

Michigan - 154,747 - 162,413

Minnesota - 34,799 - 42,534

Missouri - 165,538 - 90,000*

New Hampshire - 65,953 - 69,111

New Jersey - 121,125 - 128,680

New York - 675,156 - 730,664

Ohio - 42,441 - 470,745

Oregon - 14,410 - 14,410+

Pennsylvania - 476,442 - 572,697

Rhode Island - 19,931 - 22,187

Vermont - 42,844 - 55,811

West Virginia - 46,195 - 33,874

Wisconsin - 152,180 - 148,513 -

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