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State of the Union Addresses of Abraham Lincoln

A >> Abraham Lincoln >> State of the Union Addresses of Abraham Lincoln



This eBook was produced by James Linden.

The addresses are separated by three asterisks: ***

Dates of addresses by Abraham Lincoln in this eBook:
December 3, 1861
December 1, 1862
December 8, 1863
December 6, 1864



***

State of the Union Address
Abraham Lincoln
December 3, 1861

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

In the midst of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great
gratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests.

You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of the
times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with profound
solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs.

A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year been
engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which
endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect abroad, and one
party, if not both, is sure sooner or later to invoke foreign
intervention.

Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the
counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although measures
adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious
to those adopting them.

The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of our
country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked abroad
have received less patronage and encouragement than they probably expected.
If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have seemed to assume, that
foreign nations in this case, discarding all moral, social, and treaty
obligations, would act solely and selfishly for the most speedy restoration
of commerce, including especially the acquisition of cotton, those nations
appear as yet not to have seen their way to their object more directly or
clearly through the destruction than through the preservation of the Union.
If we could dare to believe that foreign nations are actuated by no higher
principle than this, I am quite sure a sound argument could be made to show
them that they can reach their aim more readily and easily by aiding to
crush this rebellion than by giving encouragement to it.

The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign
nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the embarrassment
of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw from the first that
it was the Union which made as well our foreign as our domestic commerce.
They can scarcely have failed to perceive that the effort for disunion
produces the existing difficulty, and that one strong nation promises more
durable peace and a more extensive, valuable, and reliable commerce than
can the same nation broken into hostile fragments.

It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states,
because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integrity of
our country and the stability of our Government mainly depend not upon
them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the
American people. The correspondence itself, with the usual reservations, is
herewith submitted.

I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and
liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation and with
firmness maintaining our own rights and honor.

Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, foreign
dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend that adequate
and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public defenses on every
side. While under this general recommendation provision for defending our
seacoast line readily occurs to the mind, I also in the same connection ask
the attention of Congress to our great lakes and rivers. It is believed
that some fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, with harbor and
navigation improvements, all at well-selected points upon these, would be
of great importance to the national defense and preservation. I ask
attention to the views of the Secretary of War, expressed in his report,
upon the same general subject.

I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of east Tennessee and
western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky and other faithful
parts of the Union by railroad. I therefore recommend, as a military
measure, that Congress provide for the construction of such road as
speedily as possible. Kentucky no doubt will cooperate, and through her
legislature make the most judicious selection of a line. The northern
terminus must connect with some existing railroad, and whether the route
shall be from Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, or from
Lebanon to the Tennessee line, in the direction of Knoxville, or on some
still different line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the General
Government cooperating, the work can be completed in a very short time, and
when done it will be not only of vast present usefulness, but also a
valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the future.

Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and having
no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will be submitted
to the Senate for their consideration.

Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to adopt a
desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have removed all
obstructions from the way of this humane reform except such as are merely
of temporary and accidental occurrence.

I invite your attention to the correspondence between Her Britannic
Majesty's minister accredited to this Government and the Secretary of State
relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire in June last by
the United States steamer Massachusetts for a supposed breach of the
blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an obvious misapprehension of
the facts, and as justice requires that we should commit no belligerent act
not rounded in strict right as sanctioned by public law, I recommend that
an appropriation be made to satisfy the reasonable demand of the owners of
the vessel for her detention.

I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor in his annual message to
Congress in December last in regard to the disposition of the surplus which
will probably remain after satisfying the claims of American citizens
against China, pursuant to the awards of the commissioners under the act of
the 3d of March, 1859. If, however, it should not be deemed advisable to
carry that recommendation into effect, I would suggest that authority be
given for investing the principal, over the proceeds of the surplus
referred to, in good securities, with a view to the satisfaction of such
other just claims of our citizens against China as are not unlikely to
arise hereafter in the course of our extensive trade with that Empire.

By the act of the 5th of August last Congress authorized the President to
instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves against
and to capture pirates. This authority has been exercised in a single
instance only. For the more effectual protection of our extensive and
valuable commerce in the Eastern seas especially, it seems to me that it
would also be advisable to authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to
recapture any prizes which pirates may make of United States vessels and
their cargoes, and the consular courts now established by law in Eastern
countries to adjudicate the cases in the event that this should not be
objected to by the local authorities.

If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in withholding our
recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Hayti and Liberia, I am
unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a novel policy in
regard to them without the approbation of Congress, I submit for your
consideration the expediency of an appropriation for maintaining a charge'
d'affaires near each of those new States. It does not admit of doubt that
important commercial advantages might be secured by favorable treaties with
them.

The operations of the Treasury during the period which has elapsed since
your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The patriotism of
the people has placed at the disposal of the Government the large means
demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the national loan has been taken
by citizens of the industrial classes, whose confidence in their country's
faith and zeal for their country's deliverance from present peril have
induced them to contribute to the support of the Government the whole of
their limited acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar obligations to
economy in disbursement and energy in action.

The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year
ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the expenditures
for the same period, including payments on account of the public debt, were
$84,578,834.47, leaving a balance in the Treasury on the 1st of July of
52,257,065.80. For the first quarter of the financial year ending on the
30th of September, 1861, the receipts from all sources, including the
balance of the 1st of July, were $102,532,509.27, and the expenses
$98,239,733.09, leaving a balance on the 1st of October, 1861, of
$4,292,776.18.

Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year and for the
financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means for meeting
the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress by the
Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the expenditures
made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources of the loyal
people, and to believe that the same patriotism which has thus far
sustained the Government will continue to sustain it till peace and union
shall again bless the land.

I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for information
respecting the numerical strength of the Army and for recommendations
having in view an increase of its efficiency and the well-being of the
various branches of the service intrusted to his care. It is gratifying to
know that the patriotism of the people has proved equal to the occasion,
and that the number of troops tendered greatly exceeds the force which
Congress authorized me to call into the field.

I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make allusion
to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our troops and
to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire Army.

The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the militia upon
a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the future safety of
the country, and is commended to the serious attention of Congress.

The large addition to the Regular Army, in connection with the defection
that has so considerably diminished the number of its officers, gives
peculiar importance to his recommendation for increasing the corps of
cadets to the greatest capacity of the Military Academy.

By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains for
hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was brought to my notice,
and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy of which,
properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persons, and at the
dates respectively named and stated in a schedule, containing also the form
of the letter marked A, and herewith transmitted.

These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at the
times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored faithfully
therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be compensated at the
same rate as chaplains in the Army. I further suggest that general
provision be made for chaplains to serve at hospitals, as well as with
regiments.

The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the operations
of that branch of the service, the activity and energy which have
characterized its administration, and the results of measures to increase
its efficiency and power. Such have been the additions, by construction and
purchase, that it may almost be said a navy has been created and brought
into service since our difficulties commenced.

Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever before
assembled under our flag have been put afloat and performed deeds which
have increased our naval renown.

I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the Secretary for
a more perfect organization of the Navy by introducing additional grades in
the service.

The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the
suggestions submitted by the Department will, it is believed, if adopted,
obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and increase the
efficiency of the Navy.

There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court--two by the
decease of Justices Daniel and McLean and one by the resignation of Justice
Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to fill these vacancies
for reasons which I will now state. Two of the outgoing judges resided
within the States now overrun by revolt, so that if successors were
appointed in the same localities they could not now serve upon their
circuits; and many of the most competent men there probably would not take
the personal hazard of accepting to serve, even here, upon the Supreme
bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the appointments northward, thus
disabling myself from doing justice to the South on the return of peace;
although I may remark that to transfer to the North one which has
heretofore been in the South would not, with reference to territory and
population, be unjust.

During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his circuit
grew into an empire altogether too large for any one judge to give the
courts therein more than a nominal attendance--rising in population from
1,470,018 in 1830 to 6,151,405 in 1860.

Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial
system. If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that all the
States shall be accommodated with circuit courts, attended by Supreme
judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Florida, Texas,
California, and Oregon have never had any such courts. Nor can this well be
remedied without a change in the system, because the adding of judges to
the Supreme Court, enough for the accommodation of all parts of the country
with circuit courts, would create a court altogether too numerous for a
judicial body of any sort. And the evil, if it be one, will increase as new
States come into the Union. Circuit courts are useful or they are not
useful. If useful, no State should be denied them; if not useful, no State
should have them. Let them be provided for all or abolished as to all.

Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be an
improvement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of convenient
number in every event; then, first, let the whole country be divided into
circuits of convenient size, the Supreme judges to serve in a number of
them corresponding to their own number, and independent circuit judges be
provided for all the rest; or, secondly, let the Supreme judges be relieved
from circuit duties and circuit judges provided for all the circuits; or,
thirdly, dispense with circuit courts altogether, leaving the judicial
functions wholly to the district courts and an independent Supreme Court.

I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present
condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be able to
find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils which
constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical administration of them.
Since the organization of the Government Congress has enacted some 5,000
acts and joint resolutions, which fill more than 6,000 closely printed
pages and are scattered through many volumes. Many of these acts have been
drawn in haste and without sufficient caution, so that their provisions are
often obscure in themselves or in conflict with each other, or at least so
doubtful as to render it very difficult for even the best-informed persons
to ascertain precisely what the statute law really is.

It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as plain
and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a compass as may
consist with the fullness and precision of the will of the Legislature and
the perspicuity of its language. This well done would, I think, greatly
facilitate the labors of those whose duty it is to assist in the
administration of the laws, and would be a lasting benefit to the people,
by placing before them in a more accessible and intelligible form the laws
which so deeply concern their interests and their duties.

I am informed by some whose opinions I respect that all the acts of
Congress now in force and of a permanent and general nature might be
revised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume (or at most two
volumes) of ordinary and convenient size; and I respectfully recommend to
Congress to consider of the subject, and if my suggestion be approved to
devise such plan as to their wisdom shall seem most proper for the
attainment of the end proposed.

One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is the
entire suppression in many places of all the ordinary means of
administering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of existing
law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent States;
and as our armies advance upon and take possession of parts of those States
the practical evil becomes more apparent. There are no courts nor officers
to whom the citizens of other States may apply for the enforcement of their
lawful claims against citizens of the insurgent States, and there is a vast
amount of debt constituting such claims. Some have estimated it as high as
$200,000,000, due in large part from insurgents in open rebellion to loyal
citizens who are even now making great sacrifices in the discharge of their
patriotic duty to support the Government.

Under these circumstances I have been urgently solicited to establish by
military power courts to administer summary justice in such cases I have
thus far declined to do it, not because I had any doubt that the end
proposed--the collection of the debts--was just and right in itself, but
because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of necessity in the
unusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal
to the anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the whole matter to
Congress, with the hope that a plan may be devised for the administration
of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and Territories as may
be under the control of this Government, whether by a voluntary return to
allegiance and order or by the power of our arms; this, however, not to be
a permanent institution, but a temporary substitute, and to cease as soon
as the ordinay courts can be reestablished in peace.

It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, if
possible, for the adjustment of claims against the Government, especially
in view of their increased number by reason of the war. It is as much the
duty of Government to render prompt justice against itself in favor of
citizens as it is to administer the same between private individuals. The
investigation and adjudication of claims in their nature belong to the
judicial department. Besides, it is apparent that the attention of Congress
will be more than usually engaged for some time to come with great national
questions. It was intended by the organization of the Court of Claims
mainly to remove this branch of business from the halls of Congress: but
while the court has proved to be an effective and valuable means of
investigation, it in great degree fails to effect the object of its
creation for want of power to make its judgments final.

Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger, of the subject, I
commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making
judgments final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the right
of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such other
provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary.

I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster-General, the following
being a summary statement of the condition of the Department:

The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1861,
including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for the
transportation of "free mail matter," was $9,049,296.40, being about 2 per
cent less than the revenue for 1860.

The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more than 8 per
cent as compared with those of the previous year and leaving an excess of
expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal year of $4,557,462.71.

The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at an
increase of 4 per cent on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to which should
be added the earnings of the Department in carrying free matter, viz,
$700,000, making $9,383,000.

The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leaving an
estimated deficiency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the Treasury in
addition to the permanent appropriation.

The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this
District across the Potomac River at the time of establishing the capital
here was eminently wise, and consequently that the relinquishment of that
portion of it which lies within the State of Virginia was unwise and
dangerous. I submit for your consideration the expediency of regaining that
part of the District and the restoration of the original boundaries thereof
through negotiations with the State of Virginia.

The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying
documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the public
business pertaining to that Department. The depressing influences of the
insurrection have been specially felt in the operations of the Patent and
General Land Offices. The cash receipts from the sales of public lands
during the past year have exceeded the expenses of our land system only
about $200,000. The sales have been entirely suspended in the Southern
States, while the interruptions to the business of the country and the
diversion of large numbers of men from labor to military service have
obstructed settlements in the new States and Territories of the Northwest.

The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about
$100,000, rendering a large reduction of the force employed necessary to
make it self-sustaining.

The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the
insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the casualties
of the existing war, have already been made. There is reason to believe
that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in receipt of the bounty
of the Government are in the ranks of the insurgent army or giving them aid
and comfort. The Secretary of the Interior has directed a suspension of the
payment of the pensions of such persons upon proof of their disloyalty. I
recommend that Congress authorize that officer to cause the names of such
persons to be stricken from the pension rolls.

The relations of the Government with the Indian tribes have been greatly
disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the southern superintendency
and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south of Kansas is in the
possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The agents of the United
States appointed since the 4th of March for this superintendency have been
unable to reach their posts, while the most of those who were in office
before that time have espoused the insurrectionary cause, and assume to
exercise the powers of agents by virtue of commissions from the
insurrectionists. It has been stated in the public press that a portion of
those Indians have been organized as a military force and are attached to
the army of the insurgents. Although the Government has no official
information upon this subject, letters have been written to the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs by several prominent chiefs giving assurance
of their loyalty to the United States and expressing a wish for the
presence of Federal troops to protect them. It is believed that upon the
repossession of the country by the Federal forces the Indians will readily
cease all hostile demonstrations and resume their former relations to the
Government.

Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not a
department nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in the
Government. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so
independent in its nature as to not have demanded and extorted more from
the Government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether something
more can not be given voluntarily with general advantage.

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